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Zimbabwe Election Update
Translations available in: English (original) | French | Spanish | Italian | German | Portuguese | Swedish | Russian | Dutch | Arabic

There is a very interesting process which I have been so privileged to observe from a front row seat. As I write, election results are being announced from difference races across the country, they are appearing slowly, but surely. I think it is important to give a context to how this election has been set up:
There are 4 different elections happening simultaneously: local council elections, lower house parliamentary seats [House of Assembly], the Upper House of parliament [The Senate] and the Presidency. There are 1 958 local council seats up for election in 1 958 wards around the country, there are 210 House of Assembly seats up for grabs, there are sixty senate seats and one presidential seat. Now each one of these positions has at least two candidates contesting, with some having as many as seven candidates (and in other cases more). So there are a lot of people involved in contesting for all the elected offices in zimbabwe.

The post-voting electoral process

The process itself, that has come about out of a series of negotiations between the government and the opposition over the course of the past 12 months has meant that significant changes have been made to the electoral law in the country. New law requires that every polling station counts their ballots AT the station – this is in order to avoid rigging or tampering with ballot boxes in transit to any other location. This has been done in accordance with the law in every case. In a ward, you can get up to 3 or 4 polling stations depending on population data. In a constituency, you can get as many as 15 wards. This means that per constituency you get about 60 polling stations.

When the voting is done in that polling station, counting for all four seats begins – the local council, the lower house, the upper house and the presidency. For each candidate, there is a polling agent present to preside over the counting and to contest what they may deem to be deviations from due process or law. A result is only official when all the polling agents agree to it; hence in the case where there are disputes, this can take a while. Now remember, that this is happening for every single ballot, and every candidate's representatives can argue their cause. When a final result is reached and agreed upon by all parties and everyone signs to confirm such, the result for that polling station is posted on the entry way to that station. The official result is then sent to the 'Command Center' of that constituency. So in each constituency, they would have to wait for all sixty or so polling stations to reach that agreement, and then send the results to a central place where they are collated, and again agreed upon by all the Chief Election Agents of the candidates [if they chose to have agents represent them] and then a final result is reached. So in these cases, you can imagine how long this process may take given that (i) this is the first time that this was done in Zimbabwe; (ii) as in a big sporting game, the world cup final or something, every possession is contested – the same with these elections.; (iii) in some of the rural constituencies [actually, in most of them] the roads are horrendous. In some cases, non-existent. So moving a distance of 30 kilometres can actually take as long as an hour and a half to two hours. So movement is slow and complicated. And there are no telephones or electronic communications.

So the process is a slow one, and I think most people are doing the best to get these results out as fast as possible.

I observed the process in three electoral constituencies in rural Matabeleland. In VERY rural places so I am writing about all of this from first hand experience. The polls closed Saturday at 7pm. In the one constituency we only got a final result (after the process above was complete and all agreed upon) on Monday morning. Another one only by Monday afternoon. Others are not yet complete.

The mistake most people are making is that they see the result outside one polling station, take that as the overall result and then cry "that results are out. Why are they not being announced" and are completely ignorant of the process that must be taken to ensure that all parties involved at that local level are satisfied.

Allegations of Rigging etc

The international news media is buzzing with stories about how these delays are being caused by the government trying to buy time and rig the election. I think that is all the elections I have participated in and observed in Zimbabwe, this has been the most free, fair and competitive election. There was almost no violence leading up to the election. For the first time, you actually had a lot of oppositions parties using main stream including government controlled media to campaign and having access to the electorate almost on par with the government [I saw almost, because the government always has the advantage of incumbency. If a government minister is commissioning a new project for example, that is a 'national duty' and not a political meeting so the electoral rules don't necessarily apply, but any smart operator would use that platform to plug for their cause]. This doesn't mean that everything about the period leading up to the election was fair, but I think the environment really has allowed for people to express their will.

Even the post-election process I feel has provided for much more fairness than before. What is really surprising to me is the extent to which immediately after the election was done, the main opposition (the MDC party led by Morgan Tsvangirai) went on a global media blitz claiming the election is being rigged and already setting up an environment for those who are either not really aware of the details of the process, or who are far removed from it to prejudge all that is happening. I was really surprised by this and think it to be a really sleazy tactic.

Rigging, if it is taking place, is not happening with people stuffing boxes full of paper etc. It is happening on very technical grounds where those who are least informed on electoral law and procedure don't know how to play the game fully.

Most people reading this will be surprised by what I am about to say, but in my observations, I saw the greatest cases of foul play [call it rigging if you will] coming from the opposition. And their methodology for this is very sophisticated. Let me try and explain…

When we were children, there was a tactic where if there was a dispute between us as kids playing together, lets say, one kid hits another, the initiator of the transgression would run to an adult and cry the loudest and claim they were hit. The adult would run out in response and to the surprise of everyone watching would lash out at the person who actually was smacked in the first place, but it was too late, the initiative had been lost by the 'victim'. It was a smart tactic which worked most of the time, but it left the person who was really hit feeling very, very unjustly treated.

A similar thing has happened in this election from what I have seen. The MDC has run out screaming that we've been cheated, there is rigging etc. they've smartly managed tog et everyone watching the wrong place while they smugly cook the books where they can. It's a very close election in most cases so every point counts. Let me give you examples of what I mean, without mentioning specific locations and situations as this could have legal implications.

The widespread belief is that the government will rig the election because it is so popular that it cannot win the election fairly. They say it will rig it because it has deployed civil servants to oversee the election. In reality, the people who have the greatest animosity towards the government are civil servants. Teachers, Nurses, Police etc. they are the lowest paid people in the country and yet have the most expected from them. So we found in 3 places, and I think this is a sample behavior of what you would find nation wide, whereby you had electoral officials, employed by the government trying to work things in favor of the opposition.
In one polling station, where a government candidate had won and the papers confirming this were signed at that station, the delivery note meant to go to the Command Centre with the result 'disappeared.' There was a recount and a revisiting of the whole process I've described, the result again came out in favor of the government. Again, the delivery note disappeared. Eventually, the culprit was identified and arrested and the processes repeated once again and the result eventually went through. In that constituency, the government representative for that seat won, and there were incredible delays in releasing that data over endless, undescribed technicalities. Eventually, representatives from the electoral commission from the region's capital had to be called in to settle it.
Another incident, there was a case whereby a person standing for office of the government had a comfortable lead in their constituency with a margin of over 1000 votes. Two wards were still outstanding [about 6 polling stations]. When results came in, the ZANU PF [the governing party] representative won one constituency, and lost the other. The margin of the loss was significantly smaller than one thousand. The candidate's polling agent left the scene assuming victory. This was on Monday morning. Monday afternoon, we heard the results announced that the ZANU PF candidate has lost by over 2000 votes. Mathematically, this is not possible. There was most certainly an 'accounting error' in that case and the result will most probably be legally challenged.
The opposition has set up all of these 'parallel' structures to feed the word election results as 'they' see them. Some of them are so grossly wrong its disturbing. Yesterday they projected that out of 210 Lower House seats, the government has won only 50, the opposition 117 and the balance going to independents – which would of course mean a land slide for the opposition. As I type, about 90 results for the House of Assembly have been announced with 43 going to ZANU PF, 41 going to one faction of the MDC (Tsvangirai's faction) and the balance to independents and the smaller MDC Faction.

One thing that is being done which could be seen as controversial is that the results in the early stages are being announced almost in a balanced manner – i.e., you announce one victory for the opposition, one for the government etc. one reason for doing this may be so that you don't raise expectations of one side and then have a Kenya-type dispute when the final results swings in contradiction to early results. I think this makes sense because you do want to maintain calm in such a tense situation. Those advocating for this to be done "as results appear" seem to not have learned from what happened just north of Zimbabwe a few months ago.

I am sure there are cases of government (ZANU PF) rigging happening too, but I think ZANU's mischief would more have been done before the election, in the process leading up to it rather than during or post the election. But I am sure others elsewhere have their own reports and perspectives to share on this, especially those participating or observing the election for places that overwhelmingly support ZANU PF, of which Matabeleland isn't traditionally one of them.

Contrary to 'popular' expectations
Most commentators outside the country expect the ruling party and president to lose the election. The economic situation and an environment that actually allows more of a freer expression of people's will are cited as some of the influencing factors in those calculations. This is plausible thinking to some degree. I did not expect the president to have any support in Matabeleland at all. Given the history of this region, given the economic situation and the strong support the opposition has always had here, I was surprised to see the results in some places.

You would see results in a polling station where the president won by a significant margin over his opponents. You would get some where he lost by a very wide margin, and others that were close. I certainly expected him to lose everywhere in this part of the country. It's not turning out that way. In most areas here where I observed things up close, except for Bulawayo and urban centers, the presidential contest seems to have been between Robert Mugabe and Simba Makoni. Surprisingly, there is not much traction for Morgan Tsvangirai (which may be different in the northern and eastern regions of the country). In one entire constituency, Robert Mugabe beat Simba Makoni in the final tally of about 55 polling stations! It was a small margin but extremely surprising. In general, I think he will lose Matabeleland, but not by the wide margins people predict.

Where there is the greatest volatility in the election has been the local councils. That's where you get the most surprising results with many, many incumbents being thrown out. In retrospect, it makes sense because those are the candidates they know the best, that have the most direct contact and influence and that people have some form of control over. Again, that surprised me, given that the elections have always been billed as a presidential contest primarily.

The funny thing is that, you have external commentators surprised by the victories that the government achieves despite the situation economically. I feel that most people who vote for the president or governing party candidates have really done so out of their will. Many have chosen not to vote [hence the low voter turn out] for whatever reasons. When you have a 'democratic' election, and the candidate that outsiders don't prefer wins, there is always a problem. Ironically, those are the people who become hypocritical and do not accept the results. When Hamas won the elections in Palestine we saw the same thing happen. It's really funny watching the perspective of the 'western media' on Zimbabwe. BBC, CNN et al have been giving some pretty hilarious (and infuriating reporting). Partly because of their obvious biases, but also because of their location – they are not on the ground in Zimbabwe (for various, debatable reasons).

There are all sorts of notorious reports out there:
The president has left the country – Not True
The Military has been ordered to announce the president the winner – again, I don't think this is true. (http://www.swradioafrica.com/news300308/military300308.htm)

And so on … Most of these are not really true from what we can acertain, although confirming anything like that isn't really easy to do.


There are reports of civil unrest, and the military and police on the street. That is CERTAINLY not the case. Definitely not the case in Bulawayo and from what friends are telling me, it's not the case in Harare. It's one thing to look for an interesting story. It's mischief to say things that could lead to a tense (but calm) situation becoming tense and volatile.

I think if I called the BBC and claimed that I was being attacked by a Sabre Tooth Tiger sent by the government, I'd be on the front page of their website and on satellite TV within the hour!

It's a pretty close election – I think it could go either way. You'll probably get nothing more dramatic than a 55% -- 45% margin in the final result as far as parliament is concerned. The same may hold for the presidency.

I don't think Robert Mugabe is going to lose. If he does, I think he will probably accept the result, but expect some trading to take place about a way forward depending on his margin of defeat. But I don't think he will lose.

Well, my 'few thoughts' did become rather long and protracted – but other than that, we are all fine and awaiting the completion of the process with as much anxiety as everyone else.

Actually, the REAL result we are awaiting has NOTHING to do with the election. At around 3am this morning my sister, Mvuse, went into labor with her first pregnancy! So we are all on edge because that will be my parent's first biological grand child!!! It's a girl, that we know – but we're super excited to have her finally arrival. And what perfect timing, in time for the election results and on April Fool's Day no less!


April 2, 2008 | 10:22 AM Comments  28 comments



Ridiculous Global Media Coverage of Zimbabwe's Election
Translations available in: English (original) | French | Spanish | Italian | German | Portuguese | Swedish | Russian | Dutch | Arabic

Coup d’Media in Zimbabwe

It is shocking how the media in South Africa and that emanating mainly from countries in Europe and North America has gone ahead and made bold declarations about Zimbabwe’s recent election without paying much attention to the legal proceedings that dictate the unfolding of events here.

1. they have been drumming up since before voting closed been declaring that the president, Robert Mugabe, as lost the election, and the blitz has been so total that the intention seems to be to convince the whole world that the desired outcome of people not in Zimbabwe, who did not vote, becomes the dominant perception and in a way, reality.
2. the bias on the commentary on the satellite TV station is not surprising, but it is surprisingly anti most of the ethics and values you associate with the ‘independent press.’
3. the media went on for days about how the president and the ruling party were attempting to ‘rig’ the election. The opposition has gone on to declare victory unilaterally before any of the processes stated under law are complete which are actually slow by their nature and based on the nature of this most recent election. No one is accusing the opposition of ‘stealing’ the election. Where is the balance there? Imagine the President had declared himself the winner Sunday morning. What would those same ‘defenders of democracy’ have stated?
a. The same opposition which woke up the morning after the election is claiming fraud is now claiming that the same fraudulent election is one which they have won… how?
b. The same people who stated last night that they will wait for the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to issue the official results and that they will follow the official results have now gone and stated that they will declare victory based on their own results which they have collated [some of which I have seen and are very different to what has been the actual results]. Yet the same media stations are accepting, tolerating and even promoting all of this.
c. Imagine if the government had done the same – the outrage, and retaliation by the ‘international community.’

Then when Robert Mugabe rages on about his fight against imperialism and western domination, and western bullying and the lack of respect of the principles of sovereignty, people say he is a disgruntled old dictator? Wouldn’t you be upset if you were in his position everyday for 15 years?

If i had the time, i would do a fuller analysis of this, but i am not sure it's even worth the time. No one out there listens to any other perspectives other than the ones that they want to see as reality

April 2, 2008 | 10:07 AM Comments  6 comments



Update on the ZImbabwe Election
Related to country: Zimbabwe

Translations available in: English (original) | French | Spanish | Italian | German | Portuguese | Swedish | Russian | Dutch | Arabic

There is a very interesting process which I have been so privileged to observe from a front row seat. As I write, election results are being announced from difference races across the country, they are appearing slowly, but surely. I think it is important to give a context to how this election has been set up:
There are 4 different elections happening simultaneously: local council elections, lower house parliamentary seats [House of Assembly], the Upper House of parliament [The Senate] and the Presidency. There are 1 958 local council seats up for election in 1 958 wards around the country, there are 210 House of Assembly seats up for grabs, there are sixty senate seats and one presidential seat. Now each one of these positions has at least two candidates contesting, with some having as many as seven candidates (and in other cases more). So there are a lot of people involved in contesting for all the elected offices in zimbabwe.

The post-voting electoral process

The process itself, that has come about out of a series of negotiations between the government and the opposition over the course of the past 12 months has meant that significant changes have been made to the electoral law in the country. New law requires that every polling station counts their ballots AT the station – this is in order to avoid rigging or tampering with ballot boxes in transit to any other location. This has been done in accordance with the law in every case. In a ward, you can get up to 3 or 4 polling stations depending on population data. In a constituency, you can get as many as 15 wards. This means that per constituency you get about 60 polling stations.

When the voting is done in that polling station, counting for all four seats begins – the local council, the lower house, the upper house and the presidency. For each candidate, there is a polling agent present to preside over the counting and to contest what they may deem to be deviations from due process or law. A result is only official when all the polling agents agree to it; hence in the case where there are disputes, this can take a while. Now remember, that this is happening for every single ballot, and every candidate's representatives can argue their cause. When a final result is reached and agreed upon by all parties and everyone signs to confirm such, the result for that polling station is posted on the entry way to that station. The official result is then sent to the 'Command Center' of that constituency. So in each constituency, they would have to wait for all sixty or so polling stations to reach that agreement, and then send the results to a central place where they are collated, and again agreed upon by all the Chief Election Agents of the candidates [if they chose to have agents represent them] and then a final result is reached. So in these cases, you can imagine how long this process may take given that (i) this is the first time that this was done in Zimbabwe; (ii) as in a big sporting game, the world cup final or something, every possession is contested – the same with these elections.; (iii) in some of the rural constituencies [actually, in most of them] the roads are horrendous. In some cases, non-existent. So moving a distance of 30 kilometres can actually take as long as an hour and a half to two hours. So movement is slow and complicated. And there are no telephones or electronic communications.

So the process is a slow one, and I think most people are doing the best to get these results out as fast as possible.

I observed the process in three electoral constituencies in rural Matabeleland. In VERY rural places so I am writing about all of this from first hand experience. The polls closed Saturday at 7pm. In the one constituency we only got a final result (after the process above was complete and all agreed upon) on Monday morning. Another one only by Monday afternoon. Others are not yet complete.

The mistake most people are making is that they see the result outside one polling station, take that as the overall result and then cry "that results are out. Why are they not being announced" and are completely ignorant of the process that must be taken to ensure that all parties involved at that local level are satisfied.

Allegations of Rigging etc

The international news media is buzzing with stories about how these delays are being caused by the government trying to buy time and rig the election. I think that is all the elections I have participated in and observed in Zimbabwe, this has been the most free, fair and competitive election. There was almost no violence leading up to the election. For the first time, you actually had a lot of oppositions parties using main stream including government controlled media to campaign and having access to the electorate almost on par with the government [I saw almost, because the government always has the advantage of incumbency. If a government minister is commissioning a new project for example, that is a 'national duty' and not a political meeting so the electoral rules don't necessarily apply, but any smart operator would use that platform to plug for their cause]. This doesn't mean that everything about the period leading up to the election was fair, but I think the environment really has allowed for people to express their will.

Even the post-election process I feel has provided for much more fairness than before. What is really surprising to me is the extent to which immediately after the election was done, the main opposition (the MDC party led by Morgan Tsvangirai) went on a global media blitz claiming the election is being rigged and already setting up an environment for those who are either not really aware of the details of the process, or who are far removed from it to prejudge all that is happening. I was really surprised by this and think it to be a really sleazy tactic.

Rigging, if it is taking place, is not happening with people stuffing boxes full of paper etc. It is happening on very technical grounds where those who are least informed on electoral law and procedure don't know how to play the game fully.

Most people reading this will be surprised by what I am about to say, but in my observations, I saw the greatest cases of foul play [call it rigging if you will] coming from the opposition. And their methodology for this is very sophisticated. Let me try and explain…

When we were children, there was a tactic where if there was a dispute between us as kids playing together, lets say, one kid hits another, the initiator of the transgression would run to an adult and cry the loudest and claim they were hit. The adult would run out in response and to the surprise of everyone watching would lash out at the person who actually was smacked in the first place, but it was too late, the initiative had been lost by the 'victim'. It was a smart tactic which worked most of the time, but it left the person who was really hit feeling very, very unjustly treated.

A similar thing has happened in this election from what I have seen. The MDC has run out screaming that we've been cheated, there is rigging etc. they've smartly managed tog et everyone watching the wrong place while they smugly cook the books where they can. It's a very close election in most cases so every point counts. Let me give you examples of what I mean, without mentioning specific locations and situations as this could have legal implications.

The widespread belief is that the government will rig the election because it is so popular that it cannot win the election fairly. They say it will rig it because it has deployed civil servants to oversee the election. In reality, the people who have the greatest animosity towards the government are civil servants. Teachers, Nurses, Police etc. they are the lowest paid people in the country and yet have the most expected from them. So we found in 3 places, and I think this is a sample behavior of what you would find nation wide, whereby you had electoral officials, employed by the government trying to work things in favor of the opposition.
In one polling station, where a government candidate had won and the papers confirming this were signed at that station, the delivery note meant to go to the Command Centre with the result 'disappeared.' There was a recount and a revisiting of the whole process I've described, the result again came out in favor of the government. Again, the delivery note disappeared. Eventually, the culprit was identified and arrested and the processes repeated once again and the result eventually went through. In that constituency, the government representative for that seat won, and there were incredible delays in releasing that data over endless, undescribed technicalities. Eventually, representatives from the electoral commission from the region's capital had to be called in to settle it.
Another incident, there was a case whereby a person standing for office of the government had a comfortable lead in their constituency with a margin of over 1000 votes. Two wards were still outstanding [about 6 polling stations]. When results came in, the ZANU PF [the governing party] representative won one constituency, and lost the other. The margin of the loss was significantly smaller than one thousand. The candidate's polling agent left the scene assuming victory. This was on Monday morning. Monday afternoon, we heard the results announced that the ZANU PF candidate has lost by over 2000 votes. Mathematically, this is not possible. There was most certainly an 'accounting error' in that case and the result will most probably be legally challenged.
The opposition has set up all of these 'parallel' structures to feed the word election results as 'they' see them. Some of them are so grossly wrong its disturbing. Yesterday they projected that out of 210 Lower House seats, the government has won only 50, the opposition 117 and the balance going to independents – which would of course mean a land slide for the opposition. As I type, about 90 results for the House of Assembly have been announced with 43 going to ZANU PF, 41 going to one faction of the MDC (Tsvangirai's faction) and the balance to independents and the smaller MDC Faction.

One thing that is being done which could be seen as controversial is that the results in the early stages are being announced almost in a balanced manner – i.e., you announce one victory for the opposition, one for the government etc. one reason for doing this may be so that you don't raise expectations of one side and then have a Kenya-type dispute when the final results swings in contradiction to early results. I think this makes sense because you do want to maintain calm in such a tense situation. Those advocating for this to be done "as results appear" seem to not have learned from what happened just north of Zimbabwe a few months ago.

I am sure there are cases of government (ZANU PF) rigging happening too, but I think ZANU's mischief would more have been done before the election, in the process leading up to it rather than during or post the election. But I am sure others elsewhere have their own reports and perspectives to share on this, especially those participating or observing the election for places that overwhelmingly support ZANU PF, of which Matabeleland isn't traditionally one of them.

Contrary to 'popular' expectations
Most commentators outside the country expect the ruling party and president to lose the election. The economic situation and an environment that actually allows more of a freer expression of people's will are cited as some of the influencing factors in those calculations. This is plausible thinking to some degree. I did not expect the president to have any support in Matabeleland at all. Given the history of this region, given the economic situation and the strong support the opposition has always had here, I was surprised to see the results in some places.

You would see results in a polling station where the president won by a significant margin over his opponents. You would get some where he lost by a very wide margin, and others that were close. I certainly expected him to lose everywhere in this part of the country. It's not turning out that way. In most areas here where I observed things up close, except for Bulawayo and urban centers, the presidential contest seems to have been between Robert Mugabe and Simba Makoni. Surprisingly, there is not much traction for Morgan Tsvangirai (which may be different in the northern and eastern regions of the country). In one entire constituency, Robert Mugabe beat Simba Makoni in the final tally of about 55 polling stations! It was a small margin but extremely surprising. In general, I think he will lose Matabeleland, but not by the wide margins people predict.

Where there is the greatest volatility in the election has been the local councils. That's where you get the most surprising results with many, many incumbents being thrown out. In retrospect, it makes sense because those are the candidates they know the best, that have the most direct contact and influence and that people have some form of control over. Again, that surprised me, given that the elections have always been billed as a presidential contest primarily.

The funny thing is that, you have external commentators surprised by the victories that the government achieves despite the situation economically. I feel that most people who vote for the president or governing party candidates have really done so out of their will. Many have chosen not to vote [hence the low voter turn out] for whatever reasons. When you have a 'democratic' election, and the candidate that outsiders don't prefer wins, there is always a problem. Ironically, those are the people who become hypocritical and do not accept the results. When Hamas won the elections in Palestine we saw the same thing happen. It's really funny watching the perspective of the 'western media' on Zimbabwe. BBC, CNN et al have been giving some pretty hilarious (and infuriating reporting). Partly because of their obvious biases, but also because of their location – they are not on the ground in Zimbabwe (for various, debatable reasons).

There are all sorts of notorious reports out there:
The president has left the country – Not True
The Military has been ordered to announce the president the winner – again, I don't think this is true. (http://www.swradioafrica.com/news300308/military300308.htm)

And so on … Most of these are not really true from what we can acertain, although confirming anything like that isn't really easy to do.


There are reports of civil unrest, and the military and police on the street. That is CERTAINLY not the case. Definitely not the case in Bulawayo and from what friends are telling me, it's not the case in Harare. It's one thing to look for an interesting story. It's mischief to say things that could lead to a tense (but calm) situation becoming tense and volatile.

I think if I called the BBC and claimed that I was being attacked by a Sabre Tooth Tiger sent by the government, I'd be on the front page of their website and on satellite TV within the hour!

It's a pretty close election – I think it could go either way. You'll probably get nothing more dramatic than a 55% -- 45% margin in the final result as far as parliament is concerned. The same may hold for the presidency.

I don't think Robert Mugabe is going to lose. If he does, I think he will probably accept the result, but expect some trading to take place about a way forward depending on his margin of defeat. But I don't think he will lose.

Well, my 'few thoughts' did become rather long and protracted – but other than that, we are all fine and awaiting the completion of the process with as much anxiety as everyone else.

Actually, the REAL result we are awaiting has NOTHING to do with the election. At around 3am this morning my sister, Mvuse, went into labor with her first pregnancy! So we are all on edge because that will be my parent's first biological grand child!!! It's a girl, that we know – but we're super excited to have her finally arrival. And what perfect timing, in time for the election results and on April Fool's Day no less!


April 2, 2008 | 9:39 AM Comments  3 comments



Hypocrisy Democracy
Translations available in: English (original) | French | Spanish | Italian | German | Portuguese | Swedish | Russian | Dutch | Arabic


March 27, 2008 | 6:22 AM Comments  4 comments



The FaKebook Generation - NY Times

This Article is called the Fakebook Generation and recently appeared in the New York Times - rather interesting... I wonder how many young people can identify with Mathias's points, which i think are a very good reflection on our generation and emerging global on-line, interconnected culture!



Op-Ed Contributor
The Fakebook Generation


By ALICE MATHIAS
Published: October 6, 2007


http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/06/opinion/06mathias.html?ref=opinion

Chicago

THE time-chugging Web site Facebook.com first appeared during my freshman year as the exclusive domain of college students. This spring, Facebook opened its pearly gates, enabling myself and other members of the class of ’07 to graduate from our college networks into those of the real world.

In no time at all, the Web site has convinced its rapidly assembling adult population that it is a forum for genuine personal and professional connections. Its founder, Mark Zuckerberg, has even declared his quest to chart a “social graph” of human relationships the way that cartographers once charted the world.

Just a warning: if you’re planning on following the corner of this map that’s been digitally doodled by my 659 Facebook friends, you are going to end up in the middle of nowhere. All the rhetoric about human connectivity misses the real reason this popular online study buddy has so distracted college students for the past four years.

Facebook did not become popular because it was a functional tool — after all, most college students live in close quarters with the majority of their Facebook friends and have no need for social networking. Instead, we log into the Web site because it’s entertaining to watch a constantly evolving narrative starring the other people in the library.

I’ve always thought of Facebook as online community theater. In costumes we customize in a backstage makeup room — the Edit Profile page, where we can add a few Favorite Books or touch up our About Me section — we deliver our lines on the very public stage of friends’ walls or photo albums. And because every time we join a network, post a link or make another friend it’s immediately made visible to others via the News Feed, every Facebook act is a soliloquy to our anonymous audience.

It’s all comedy: making one another laugh matters more than providing useful updates about ourselves, which is why entirely phony profiles were all the rage before the grown-ups signed in. One friend announced her status as In a Relationship with Chinese Food, whose profile picture was a carry-out box and whose personal information personified the cuisine of China.

We even make a joke out of how we know one another — claiming to have met in “Intro to Super Mario Re-enactments,” which I seriously doubt is a real course at Wesleyan, or to have lived together in a “spay and neuter clinic” instead of the dorm. Still, these humor bits often reveal more about our personalities and interests than any honest answers.

Facebook administrators have since exiled at least the flagrantly fake profiles, the Greta Garbos and the I Can’t Believe It’s Not Butters, in an effort to have the site grow up from a farce into the serious social networking tool promised to its new adult users, who earnestly type in their actual personal information and precisely label everyone they know as former co-workers or current colleagues, family members or former lovers.

But does this more reverent incarnation of Facebook actually enrich adult relationships? What do these constellations of work colleagues and long-lost friends amount to? An online office mixer? A reunion with that one other guy from your high school who has a Facebook profile? Oh! You get to see pictures of your former college sweetheart’s family! (Only depressing possibilities are coming to mind for some reason.)

My generation has long been bizarrely comfortable with being looked at, and as performers on the Facebook stage, we upload pictures of ourselves cooking dinner for our parents or doing keg stands at last night’s party; we are reckless with our personal information. But there is one area of privacy that we won’t surrender: the secrecy of how and whom we search.

A friend of mine was recently in a panic over rumors of a hacker application that would allow Facebook users to see who’s been visiting their profiles. She’d spent the day ogling a love interest’s page and was horrified at the idea that he knew she’d been looking at him. But there’s no way Facebook would allow such a program to exist: the site is popular largely because it enables us to indulge our gazes anonymously. (We might feel invulnerable in the spotlight, but we don’t want to be caught sitting in someone else’s audience.) If our ability to privately search is ever jeopardized, Facebook will turn into a ghost town.

Facebook purports to be a place for human connectivity, but it’s made us more wary of real human confrontation. When I was in college, people always warned against the dangers of “Facebook stalking” at a library computer — the person whose profile you’re perusing might be right behind you. Dwelling online is a cowardly and utterly enjoyable alternative to real interaction.

So even though Facebook offers an elaborate menu of privacy settings, many of my friends admit that the only setting they use is the one that prevents people from seeing that they are Currently Logged In. Perhaps we fear that the Currently Logged In feature advertises to everyone else that we (too!) are Currently Bored, Lustful, Socially Unfulfilled or Generally Avoiding Real Life.

For young people, Facebook is yet another form of escapism; we can turn our lives into stage dramas and relationships into comedy routines. Make believe is not part of the postgraduate Facebook user’s agenda. As more and more older users try to turn Facebook into a legitimate social reference guide, younger people may follow suit and stop treating it as a circus ring. But let’s hope not.

Alice Mathias is a 2007 graduate of Dartmouth.

October 6, 2007 | 9:00 AM Comments  52 comments

Tags:


US agricultural law and global hunger

It's ridiculous how the US justifies its agricultural policy at the
expense of other peoples' livelihoods.

nothing really new in this article, but it's good to see this issue
getting media attention.



From http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/04/06/africa/web0406-zambia.php

For the hungry in Zambia, U.S. law may hinder urgent food aid
By Cecilia W. Dugger
Friday, April 6, 2007


MULONDO, Zambia: Traveling to school in wobbly dugout canoes, Munalula
Muhau and her three cousins, 7 and 8 year olds whose parents died of
AIDS, held onto just one possession: battered tin bowls to receive
their daily ration of gruel.

Within weeks, those rations, provided by the United Nations World Food
Program, will run out for them and 500,000 other paupers, including
thousands of people wasted by AIDS who are being treated with
American-financed drugs that make them healthier - and ravenously
hungry.

"Not to put too fine a point on it," said Jeffrey Stringer, an
American doctor who runs a non-profit group treating 50,000 Zambians
with AIDS, "but it will result in the death of some patients."

Hoping to forestall such a dire outcome, the World Food Program made
an urgent appeal in February for cash donations so it could buy corn
from Zambia's own bountiful harvest, piled in towering stacks in the
warehouses of the capital, Lusaka.

But United States law requires that virtually all donated food be
grown in America and shipped at great expense across oceans, mostly on
vessels that fly American flags and employ American crews - a process
that typically takes four to six months.

For a third year, the Bush administration, which has pushed to make
foreign aid more efficient, is trying to change the law to allow the
United States to use up to a quarter of the budget of its main food
aid program to buy food in developing countries during emergencies.
The proposal has run into stiff opposition from a potent alliance of
agribusiness, shipping and charitable groups with deep financial
stakes in the current food aid system.

Oxfam, the international aid group, and other proponents of the Bush
proposal, say it would enable the United States to feed more people
more quickly, while helping fight poverty by buying the crops of
peasants in poor countries.

The U.S. Agency for International Development estimated that if
Congress adopted the Bush proposal, the United States could feed at
least a million more people and save 50,000 more lives.

But Congress quickly killed the plan in each of the past two years,
cautioning that untying food aid from domestic interest groups would
weaken the commitment that has made the United States by far the
largest food aid donor in a world where 850 million go hungry.

Representative Tom Lantos, Democrat of California and chairman of the
House Foreign Relations Committee, warned last year at a food aid
conference in Washington that decoupling food aid from American
maritime and agribusiness interests "is beyond insane."

"It is a mistake of gigantic proportions," he said, "because support
for such a program will vanish overnight, overnight."

But James Kunder, acting deputy administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development, said in an interview that the
administration proposal - which would affect less than half of one
percent of American agricultural exports - would not undercut American
interests.

"The burden of proof is on producers and shippers to show this is
going to significantly damage their interests," he said, "because we
can provide compelling evidence that allowing local procurement is
going to save lives by speeding up delivery of supplies."

Here in Zambia, population 11 million, more than a million children
are already orphaned, mostly because AIDS killed their parents. Life
expectancy has plunged to 38 years, and countless sickened adults,
unable to work, can no longer feed their families.

On a recent day, patients on U.S.-financed AIDS drugs and their
families streamed into a food distribution point at the Lewanika
Hospital in Mongu town. Already, as the World Food Program's stocks
have run low, rations have been almost halved. Some were so hungry
that they scooped handfuls of corn-soy powder into their mouths
without even adding water to make porridge.

One of the patients, Annie Mubita, a 32-year-old mother of six, said
her strength is returning, and so is her appetite, which had shriveled
when she was sick. Mubita assumes her children are also HIV positive,
she said, but has not had them tested because if they, too, go on the
drugs, they will be as hungry as she is.

"If the children have an appetite like me, the food won't last even
two weeks," she said. If the rations end, she said, "me and my
children will die."

Kandundu Litia, a 12-year-old orphan with AIDS, also fears a cut-off
of food. Before the rations began, she said, her aunt, uncle and
cousins would eat when she was at school. "There was none left when I
got home," she whispered, her head dropping. The short shock of hair
springing from her head still had the telltale reddish tint of the
malnourished.

David Stevenson, who heads the World Food Program's Zambia office and
has worked for the organization in Africa for 15 years, through war
and drought, says he has never seen a crisis on the scale of what AIDS
and drought have wrought in Zambia. He worries as supplies dwindle.

With cash donations, the World Food Program could get Zambian corn to
the hungry in a month, far faster than the United States could
typically act.

The cash would also stretch further than in-kind food. In recent
years, the World Food Program has procured 75 percent more food for
Zambia, Kenya and Uganda by buying corn grown in those countries,
rather than shipping American food, according to Michigan State
University agricultural economists who studied crop and shipping data.

There is hope that Zambia, a relatively stable democracy, can become a
bread basket in a region roiled by conflict, disease and economic
collapse, at least in years when it is not devastated by drought.

In lean years, the World Food Program shuts down its buying operation
here for fear of driving up the prices of corn, the main staple,
beyond the reach of poor consumers. It imports food instead.

But during bumper harvests, the World Food Program has become a major
buyer of Zambian-grown corn. Since 2001, it has bought more than $1
billion worth of food in some of the poorest countries on earth.

For farmers like Catherine Hangama, 36, that money makes all the
difference. She works a small plot with her husband in the village of
Nakandyoli in Mumbwa district. For the first time last year they sold
a small surplus of maize for $53 to the Zambian government's Food
Reserve Agency, one of the World Food Programs biggest suppliers here.

That money bought soap and paid for uniforms and fees to send three
children to school. This year, she and her husband have planted more
and hope to sell 15 bags after this year's harvest.

"If I don't plow well, the children won't be able to go to school,"
she explained, with one twin baby at her breast and the other on her
back.

What Hangama earns is a pittance compared with the billions at stake
for the main players in American food aid.

Over the past three years, the same four companies and their
subsidiaries - Archer Daniels Midland, Cargill, Bunge and Cal Western
Packaging - have sold the American government more than half the $2.2
billion in food for Food for Peace, the largest food aid program, and
two smaller programs, according to the Department of Agriculture.

Shipping companies were paid $1.3 billion over the same period to move
the food aid overseas, the USDA figures show.

And nonprofit groups received over $500 million in donated American
food, which they sold at market rates in developing countries to raise
money for antipoverty programs, according to U.S. AID and a recent
study by Emmy Simmons, a retired U.S. AID official.

Agribusiness and shipping groups vigorously oppose the Bush
administration proposal to buy food in developing countries with cash,
which they argue is more likely to be stolen. They say American food
is safer and of higher quality and that the government can speed
delivery by storing it in warehouses around the world.

And they defend the idea that federal spending should benefit American
business and farming interests, as well as the hungry. Without support
from such interest groups, food aid budgets from Congress would
whither, they say.

"It would be at extreme risk of being diminished," said Paul Green, a
consultant to the North American Millers' Association, a trade
association for the milling industry that counts Archer Daniels
Midland, Bunge and Horizon Milling, a joint venture of Cargill and CHS
among its members.

Gloria Tosi, a lobbyist and immediate past president of the American
Maritime Congress, an association of U.S.-flag ship owners, agreed.
"There's no constituency for cash," she said.

Many charitable groups involved in food aid share that worry, and also
warn that a badly managed program to buy food in poor countries could
drive up food prices and worsen hunger.

The Alliance for Food Aid, 14 nonprofit groups involved in
distributing and selling American food aid overseas, maintains that
the Bush proposal is too ambitious and advocate a modest pilot
program.

"Do a demonstration," said Robert Zachritz, a senior policy adviser at
World Vision. "Does it work? Then you can go from there."

For now, the World Food Program is hoping other rich nations or
individuals will donate cash to keep rations flowing for the half
million needy Zambiams, among them Manaluna and 135,000 children fed
through community schools.

The pupils in this grass hut schoolhouse are from families so poor
they cannot afford the flip flops and $6 uniforms required to attend
public schools.

Beatrice Nyambe, 64, a retired public school teacher who serves
without pay as principal, worries that when food from school runs out,
most of the children will go back to day work in the fields so they
can buy a few handfuls of corn meal to fill their bellies.

Munalula, whose own mother was an untrained teacher before AIDS took
her, is the best student in the school and wants to be a teacher as
well. She helps her cousins with their homework, scratching out sums
in the dirt with a stick.

At school, she and 50 other children in the dirt-floored classroom in
the village of Nalusheke fell silent but for the smacking sounds they
made eating a boiled mush of American bulgur wheat. Each bowlful,
topped with split peas from Canada, cost 12 cents. The bulgur came
from sacks emblazoned with the words, "Gift of the People of the
United States of America."

Munalula and her barefoot cousins scraped their bowls clean, savoring
each unsweetened bite. But some children barely touched theirs.

Sisi Negenda, a six-year-old with little braids, shyly explained why.
She has a younger sister, 3, and several orphaned relatives at home.
She said she wanted to share with them. She carried off the bowl,
still heavy with porridge, as though it were a precious, breakable
object.

April 9, 2007 | 3:55 AM Comments  9 comments

Tags:


US Attempts at Regime Change

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=304054&area=/breaking_news/breaking_news__africa/

US reveals its efforts to topple Mugabe

The United States admitted openly for the first time on Thursday that
it was actively working to undermine Robert Mugabe, the President of
Zimbabwe.

Although officially Washington does not support regime change, a US
state department report published on Thursday acknowledged that it was
supporting opposition politicians in the country and others critical
of Mugabe.

The State Department also admitted sponsoring events aimed at
"discrediting" statements made by Mugabe's government.

The report will be seized on by Mugabe, who has repeatedly claimed
that the US and Britain are seeking regime change.

The comments are contained in the state department's fifth annual
Supporting Human Rights and Democracy report. It sets out in detail
actions the US government is taking worldwide to promote human rights.

The report has had a troubled history. Three years ago publication had
to be hastily delayed when details emerged about US human rights
abuses at Abu Ghraib prison outside Baghdad.

The US, compared with the United Kingdom, was initially slow to
criticise Mugabe, but has since adopted an increasingly critical
stance, most recently at the Human Rights Council in Geneva last
month.

In an unusual piece of candour, the State Department report says: "To
encourage greater public debate on restoring good governance in
[Zimbabwe], the United States sponsored public events that presented
economic and social analyses discrediting the government's excuses for
its failed policies.

"To further strengthen pro-democracy elements, the US government
continued to support the efforts of the political opposition, the
media and civil society to create and defend democratic space and to
support persons who criticised the government."

While the US and British governments still insist their aim in
Zimbabwe is not regime change, they have been encouraging the main
opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangarai, who was beaten up last month.

The report says that while Zimbabwe is nominally democratic, the
government of Mugabe is "now authoritarian".

At a press conference to launch the document, the Assistant Secretary
of State, Barry Lowenkren, said the US goal was not necessarily regime
change but to create a level playing field for all parties. He added
that where there was a country with record levels of inflation, denial
of basic human rights and other abuses, the US had a duty to speak out
so that people in Zimbabwe knew they had support.

Asked whether US efforts to promote human rights worldwide were being
undermined by the hundreds of of people being held at Guantánamo,
Lowenkren insisted the issue was not raised by non-governmental groups
at conferences he attended and participants were more interested in
what the US could do to help them in their own countries.

He also denied the report was softer on authoritarian governments
allied to the US, such as Belarus, than to Zimbabwe.

Lowenkren said $66-million was being spent on promotion of democracy
and human rights in Iran, about half of which was devoted to
broadcasts from outside the country and the rest spent on support for
non-governmental exchanges, cultural exchanges such as the visit by
the US wrestling team and a Persian internet service.

The report is critical of Russia, noting the killing of the journalist
Anna Politkovskaya.

It says: "Political pressure on the judiciary, corruption and
selectivity in enforcement of the law, continuing media restrictions
and self-censorship, and government pressure on opposition political
parties eroded the public accountability of government leaders.

"Security forces were involved in additional significant human rights problems."

University considers revoking degree
Meanwhile, the University of Massachusetts (UMass) is considering
revoking an honourary doctorate of law it awarded Mugabe in 1986.

Some students at the Boston campus have circulated a petition asking
for the university to revoke the degree, and officials say they are
considering doing so.

"Mugabe's actions during the past decade show he's fallen from being a
good citizen of the world," said Shauna Murray, a graduate student who
helped circulate the petition. "He has a track record of suppressing
basic human rights like free speech and the right to protest, and that
doesn't represent what students here stand for."

The issue also has surfaced at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland
and Michigan State University, which gave Mugabe honourary degrees in
1984 and 1990, respectively.

Terry Denbow, a Michigan State spokesperson, said administrators have
received letters requesting that Mugabe's degree be rescinded.

"There have been discussions, but I know of no formal process for
rescinding the degree," Denbow said.

Officials at Edinburgh said the issue of Mugabe's degree was under review.

According to the UMass policy, honourary degrees are handed out to
people "of great accomplishment and high ethical standards".

Recipients have included former South African president Nelson
Mandela, former United Nations secretary general Kofi Annan, author
Toni Morrison and comedian and educator Bill Cosby.

Once lauded as a model for African democracy, Mugabe has tried to
crush opposition to his power and has threatened to expel Western
envoys for criticising his government.

The country's Roman Catholic bishops said last month that health,
education and other public services "have all but disintegrated".

"Mugabe has become a scourge of his people and a scourge of Africa,"
said Michael Thelwell, a professor in the UMass Afro-American studies
department.

But Thelwell and others cautioned against revoking the degree just to
appease Mugabe's critics.

"The task of intellectuals is to seek the truth, not to be swayed by
pressures of the moment," said Bill Strickland, a UMass politics
professor. "If they take away the degree, they have to look at all the
facts surrounding what is happening in Zimbabwe and not simply blame
just one person." - Guardian Unlimited (c) Guardian News and Media
Limited 2007, Sapa-AP

April 7, 2007 | 8:59 PM Comments  2 comments

Tags:


Fake caring about Zimbabwe-Great Perspective!

i never thought i'd say this about an article from the Daily Mail or Mail on Sunday from Britain - but this is a great article :-) it's so well written that i don't think i need a comment to contextualize it.

enjoy it!



http://hitchensblog.mailonsunday.co.uk/2007/03/fake_caring_abo.html
Fake caring about Zimbabwe

Read Peter Hitchens only in The Mail on Sunday

Do I care about Zimbabwe? Should you? Every few months, the British media, together with a certain number of politicians, make a fuss about the misery now afflicting that sad country. They sympathise with its ill-fed, oppressed people and with the leaders of its opposition movements. Pictures and reports are published of the horrible beatings given to those who dare to oppose the country's tyrant, Robert Mugabe. The BBC makes a great to-do about how it is banned from Zimbabwe but still manages to get information out.


Nobody can read these accounts without a feeling of outrage and a desire to do or say something. But in my view this is in fact a selfish impulse, unless you are prepared to act personally in some way that will improve matters. We become inflamed with righteous anger about these things, only to prove to ourselves that we are nice, civilised people. In truth, we have absolutely no intention of doing anything about it.


And if we did, it would probably fail. I don't know how many of those who call for intervention in Zimbabwe could find it on a map, but the fact that the country has no coastline could present a small problem to anyone who wanted to invade it. In any case, this is all futile stuff.


The disastrous and irreparable defeat of British arms by the Japanese in Singapore in 1942 finished the British empire for all time, though it would take a little while for this truth to become obvious. India went first, and, after a pause ended by the Suez fiasco, the rest followed soon afterwards. Not only could we not afford the empire any more. Our reputation for invincibility had been smashed by Japan, and we had lost the psychological advantage we had gained in the 18th century and had reinforced by our merciless crushing of the Indian mutiny in 1857.


All over Asia, the Japanese had been careful to see that captured British officers and soldiers were visible to their former colonial subjects, reduced to the status of humiliated, suppliant slaves. The effects of this were enormous and permanent in Asia, and word spread to Africa quite quickly.


Britain, which during the war against Hitler was understandably paying less attention to the Empire than it would otherwise have done, was slow to realise how much things had changed. But by the end of the 1950s, its leaders decided it could not afford an African colonial empire.


Its influence in the area has been in decline ever since, replaced by the USA, China, Cuba and - to a surprisingly small extent - Russia. The problem with Zimbabwe, formerly Southern Rhodesia, was that it was already semi-independent and self-governing in any case, with a white minority that did not wish to lose its privileged way of life because of Britain's decline. It was very difficult for a British government, trying to soothe the feelings of the United Nations and to scrub away all traces of unfashionable colonial supremacy, to force the Southern Rhodesians into giving up their power. They had good reason to suspect that, when they did, they would swiftly lose their pampered way of life.


So London devoted much of the late 1960s and all the 1970s to trying to force a settlement there that would enable the British government to avoid all future responsibility and appear in tune with modern thinking. This ended in 1979, under the Thatcher government but endorsed by the whole British establishment, with the Lancaster House agreement.


This handed Zimbabwe to the sinister Robert Mugabe - mainly because he was too politically and militarily strong to be denied. there were better men available, but they were not strong enough, and the rigged elections which followed confirmed the Lancaster House settlement


The history of that process is long, complicated and not specially honourable on any side. It involves, as so often, the curious paradox that the campaigners for 'freedom' turned out to be tyrants themselves once they had power, and that life under the 'colonial oppressors' was in many ways more prosperous and peaceful than it was to become later. You do not have to be a sympathiser of Ian Smith, the leader of the Rhodesian Front and the chief opponent of majority rule, to recognise that Robert Mugabe has done terrible damage to the country and its people. You do not have to be a partisan of Robert Mugabe to recognise that Smith's Southern Rhodesia was a state based on racial discrimination, that could not survive and should not have survived as it was. Was this unavoidable? Possibly.

Mugabeepa2102_228x197

Intelligent British politicians and diplomats knew, or at least suspected back in the 1950s and 1960s that the end of empire might well mean severe suffering for the people involved. Most of them probably privately admitted that - as in India in 1947 - this country simply no longer had the strength to rule, and that it must make the best of a very bad bargain by trying to leave behind as much democracy, law and freedom, and as strong an economy, as it could manage.


Many of the British colonial administrators, in Africa and Asia, were genuinely devoted men who had worked very hard to bring incorruptible justice, education and prosperity. Such men did all that they could to leave good things behind - and I am always greatly moved by two legacies that seem to have lasted specially well.


Even where elections are rigged and parliaments fail, and civil servants are corrupt, it is amazing how often African judges defy the new tyrants of Africa, releasing political prisoners and halting torture. And it is equally amazing how often African journalists continue to print the truth, despite the very real danger of torture and death, or the smashing of their presses. Free speech and law, interestingly enough, may be more important and enduring than democracy in securing justice and liberty.


What practical conclusions can we draw from this? First, that our power in these parts of the world is gone for good, and it is just posturing to imagine that a protest in London will make any difference there. Comrade Mugabe's response that his critics could 'go hang' is rude and brusque, but also an accurate estimate of how things stand. He doesn't care what we think, and what's more he doesn't even pretend to care.


That's embarrassing of him. We would much prefer an expression of concern, some sign that we matter, even if don't. In fact, his taunting of us for our powerlessness may be his greatest offence against those interventionist liberals who like to imagine that a tough leading article in the Guardian will make Harare tremble.


Second, that the worst crimes of empires often come at the finish of them. Having persuaded people to rely on our power and our ability to protect them, we abruptly change our minds and disappear over the horizon, leaving them with a parliament building, a flag, an anthem, several unresolved territorial disputes and (quite often) a Mugabe figure who, if not very pleasant, is at least strong enough to take over the state.


This is, so far as I have been able to work out, the most powerful argument against empire - which in its British form was often highly benevolent so long as it existed. It has to end, and when it does, there is almost always tragedy. People often say, without thinking, that the winding up of the British empire was a civilised and creditable episode. I completely disagree. the scuttle from India, 60 years ago this year, and the smaller but more poisonous scuttle from Palestine soon afterwards, are among the most shameful episodes in British history. Our departure from Africa was not much better. The USA, and its ring of loyal client states in the former Soviet Union, from the Caucasus to the Baltic, should beware of a comparable bout of shameful departures, probably in the next 30 years, when Washington loses interest in this part of the world and Moscow reasserts its ancient dominance.


Third, that other countries do not exist to provide broad open spaces in which we can exercise our constipated, under-used consciences. It is incredibly easy, and rather enjoyable, to rail against tyrants and injustice a long way away. The tyrants cannot get at you, and if you travel to these places on a Western passport, the worst you are likely to face is expulsion. But it is so much harder, and less glamorous, to challenge the power-grabbers and would-tyrants, and petty but persistent injustices, in your own home country - where your targets can take revenge.


Fourth, that intervention cannot permanently alter the balance of power in foreign lands. Unless you are prepared to stay forever, the 'improvements' you achieve will not survive your departure by more than a few years. Worse, people who trusted you and relied on you will be left to dreadful fates.


Caring about a foreign injustice is futile unless you have the means to express your concern through effective, sustained action. It is an impulse designed to make the carer feel good to himself, and look good in the eyes of others, rather than to do good. So the honest answer, for most of us, is that we do not really care. But who dares say so? To say in a public place that you do not think Britain should intervene in Zimbabwe is to court shocked disapproval. Yet those who say they think we should intervene are applauded - even if they have no intention of doing anything.

All comments are moderated by the community team. Please contact community@dailymailonline.co.uk with any queries about moderation


March 21, 2007 | 9:52 AM Comments  3 comments

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Zimbabwe: An End to the Stalemate? - New Crisis Group report

The ICG has yet again released a STUPID report on Zimbabwe. The
summary to their report is below and has some pretty out of touch
synopses of things over here. Below are a few highlights. What country
are these people talking about…? Sometimes I just feel that these
think-tank and advocacy and journalistic types will really never get
it!

The country is in a very fragile condition: the economy is near
meltdown, and discontent among underpaid police and troops, combined
with the willingness of opposition parties and civil society to
protest in the streets, all increase the risk of sudden major
violence

The economy is really really bad. I don't know what they mean by
'meltdown' because predictions of a meltdown have been in place since
2000. but it is rather horrific. So perhaps on that, I'd agree with
them. Public servant are well underpaid but the government seems to
manage to ease their pain whenever it gets too much. Both teachers and
doctors have now called off strikes and are back at work. The cops and
the military going on strike or protest - now that would be something!

President Mugabe must give up efforts to extend his term, and the
opposing parties must negotiate a compromise

This issue of the president's term being extended is really reported
on badly. The other option which the government is weighing is to cut
the term of parliament by two years and have harmonized elections for
the executive and legislature next year - which very well might
happen. Nothing is a done deal yet. But also, it's rather simplistic
to look at this in terms of just the president hanging on to power. If
mugabe wanted to remain president, he would keep the election on next
year and win another six year term. Why have two years when you can
have six ... if staying in power is really your end objective..? this
whole issue is taken out of context and ignore the importance of the
succession debate and process within ZANU PF. It can be critiqued all
we want, but the reality is that they are zimbabwe's dominant
political force at the moment. The opposition couldn't organize a mud
fest in a mud bath and couldn't govern Zimbabwe in its current state.
(not to say the current performance of the entire zim government
leaves much to be desired). The "opposing parties" that "must
negotiate a compromise" are all in ZANU PF. The opposition party just
loves to make itself useless to the whole political future of
Zimbabwe. And speaking of people not extending their terms, the
leader[s] of the opposition my also give up their terms of office
because they have quite frankly failed. A new start at the top level
across the board may not be a bad thing...


Pressure by the European Union and the U.S., through targeted
sanctions and isolation, has helped divide the ruling party, ZANU-PF,
persuading key figures whose business interests have been hard hit by
the current crisis, that change is needed.

Again - whoever reached this conclusion does not really understand how
the "key figures" in ZANU PF are making their money. This crisis
enables the rich to get richer more than ever. Disengagement never
helped to address a situation like the one we have in Zimbabwe. Keep
the sanctions on, and normal people suffer, are closed off from
accessing key parts of the economy because shortages mean that those
with power access the much needed resources (most of the time) and you
get a case where people made millions. The prohibition in America (a
form of sanctions) taught us all how much money is made when you try
and restrict things to achieve some idealistic pie in the sky
objective. Al Capone died a millionaire. These "key figures" are
millionaires in US dollar terms thanks to these 'targeted' or 'smart'
sanctions. Easy money. Why would they just want to let that go...? get
rid of these sanctions. Allow the economics to normalize and perhaps
most of the country will once again be interested in political
engagement. Survival as an M.O doesn't leave much room for political
analysis and participation.

These sanction also affect Zimbabwe more than anyone else because the
government runs a lot of state enterprises that are starved off
foreign investment. These enterprises (electricity, fuel, transport,
health services etc) serve a lot of normal, average Zimbabweans. Their
failure to perform because of the indirect results of these sanctions
means that the majority of Zimbabweans suffer. Not the small elite
driving gas guzzling cars which never run out of gas or have
generators to work through power outages. When a zimbabwean government
official cannot talk to potential investors in Europe or the US or any
other place, how is the economy not expect to 'meltdown' ... ? that
coupled with internal mismanagement...? so yeah, these sanctions and
isolation are really helping us. Not at all.

This pressure should be increased if ZANU-PF does not cooperate
with the opposition to implement a transitional government and restore
democracy.

And beating a dead donkey always arose it from the dead! NO! increased
pressure will ultimately help ZANU PF on a number of fronts. The
opposition will probably not get consulted or involved in any
transitional government process primarily because they take some of
their queues from thinkers people who wrote this report. They
unfortunately need to find a way to engage with the government - not
the other way round. We're being practical here, not academic. The
truth is, as much as ZANU PF is failing to administer things, for a
number of different reasons, most people in Zimbabwe today would vote
for ZANU PF (also for a number of varying reasons) regardless of how
much external forces increase pressure on ZANU.



The Southern African Development Community (SADC), the organisation
of regional countries, should work as a mediator for negotiations
between ZANU-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) and join the EU and the U.S. in defining a clear sequence of
benchmarks leading to a genuinely democratic process

SADC has tried that. Hasn't worked. The opposition leaders themselves
have helped to foil some of these efforts. I think we should stop
seeing the MDC as an alternative because most Zimbabweans just don't
think that it is. They can not govern this country effectively in
their present state. SADC is unlikely to place sanctions on Zimbabwe.
Could the writers of this report try to at least understand African
Politics 101.

"The situation today is reminiscent of the last stages of Mobutu's
reign in the Congo", says Crisis Group President Gareth Evans.
"Zimbabwe has the potential to fall into chaos and bring large chunks
of the region down with it unless both domestic and international
parties act now".

The Congo...??? the Congo...??? and Zimbabwe are similar? Mugabe and
Mobutu (who was placed in power by the US government in place of
Lumumba-which is fact and not conspiracy?) how do you compare Mugabe
and Mobutu and their situations. They ran/run two totally different
countries in very different contexts with very different approaches,
systems, achievements, etc. how can the situation in Zimbabwe (where
there is no rebel army fighting the government amongst other things)
compare to that of the Congo?

Final Comments if I was a donor to the International Crisis
Group I would be very embarrassed with the results of my
contributions. The major international crisis is the one that they
create through putting forth such ignorant, ill-informed and unhelpful
reports on countries and situations they clearly seem to know very
little about.


-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

--

From: International Crisis Group [mailto:notification@crisisgroup.org]
Sent: Monday, March 05, 2007 6:29 PM
Subject: Zimbabwe: An End to the Stalemate? - New Crisis Group report

INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP - NEW REPORT
Zimbabwe: An End to the Stalemate?

Pretoria/Brussels, 5 March 2007: The long political stalemate in
Zimbabwe may be breaking at last, but regional intervention and
continued Western pressure are needed to ensure a peaceful restoration
of democracy.
Zimbabwe: An End to the Stalemate,* the latest report from the
International Crisis Group, examines the deadlock in Zimbabwe and sees
in the current moment a chance to resolve the situation through the
retirement of President Robert Mugabe when his term ends in 2008 and a
power-sharing deal to create a transitional government tasked with
preparing a new constitution and holding elections by 2010.


The country is in a very fragile condition: the economy is near
meltdown, and discontent among underpaid police and troops, combined
with the willingness of opposition parties and civil society to
protest in the streets, all increase the risk of sudden major
violence. For Zimbabwe to begin to recover, President Mugabe must give
up efforts to extend his term, and the opposing parties must negotiate
a compromise. The months leading to the July parliament session, when
decisions will be taken on Mugabe's fate or transition, are
crucial.


"The prospect of President Mugabe's retirement has created an
exceptional rallying point among varied constituencies within the
country", says François Grignon, Crisis Group's Africa Program
Director. "There is widespread agreement that he must leave so that
the country can finally make progress on the needed economic and
political reforms".


Pressure by the European Union and the U.S., through targeted
sanctions and isolation, has helped divide the ruling party, ZANU-PF,
persuading key figures whose business interests have been hard hit by
the current crisis, that change is needed. This pressure should be
increased if ZANU-PF does not cooperate with the opposition to
implement a transitional government and restore democracy.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC), the organisation of
regional countries, should work as a mediator for negotiations between
ZANU-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and
join the EU and the U.S. in defining a clear sequence of benchmarks
leading to a genuinely democratic process. SADC leaders have an
opportunity to talk to Mugabe now about a retirement package to be
implemented not later than 2008 – and at last get him to listen. The
MDC needs urgently to reconcile its feuding factions.


"The situation today is reminiscent of the last stages of Mobutu's
reign in the Congo", says Crisis Group President Gareth Evans.
"Zimbabwe has the potential to fall into chaos and bring large chunks
of the region down with it unless both domestic and international
parties act now".
________________________________________
Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) 32 (0) 2 541 1635
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) 1 202 785 1601
To contact Crisis Group media please click here
*Read the full Crisis Group report our website: http://www.crisisgroup.org
________________________________________
The International Crisis Group (Crisis Group) is an independent,
non-profit, non-governmental organisation covering over 50
crisis-affected countries and territories across four continents,
working through field-based analysis and high-level advocacy to
prevent and resolve deadly conflict.
________________________________________


March 9, 2007 | 12:52 PM Comments  3 comments

Tags:


It Get's "Better" ...
Related to country: South Africa


So there's actually more to the P.W. Botha thing. This guy gets a
State Funeral!!! The BBC just reported that South Africa will be giving this guy a state
funeral... are you kidding me! what is the ANC smoking! We actually
have a debate about whether it's appropriate to name South Africa's
main international airport after O.R. Tambo, a giant in making South
Africa the country that it is today, and then we have a crazy dictator
get hero status? People like Botha and Ian Smith and Adolf Hitler
cannot get state funerals, at least not from the same states that they
have helped to destroy.

(note how the BBC article does use the word racist or racism not even
once. call a spade a spade. this dude was a racist dictator. when will
we all wake up...?)

November 1, 2006 | 7:02 AM Comments  3 comments

Tags:


who's the immigrant?

i was a little confused by the immigrant demonstrations in the US on monday [http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/05/03/news/immig.php] because i can't figure out who exactly the immigrants are. is it
a. any one in the US, working there who doesn't have US citizenship?
b. anyone whose family originally came from the US?"
c. anyone working illegaly in the US?

this story got a lot of coverage, but i don't think it was well told.

there's a lot of self interest in the US in not really tackling this issue. that way, immigrants can keep being exploited as cheap labor in the country, and the US Congress can keep pretending there are no questions of humanity and justice that need answering.

does anyone have any links to good perspectices or other blogs that focus on this issue?

~ dvb


immigrants protest, but the results are mixed
By Sheryl Gay Stolberg The New York Times
WEDNESDAY, MAY 3, 2006
WASHINGTON A nascent immigrant rights movement has shown that it can build an organization, mobilize hundreds of thousands of people across the United States and wield economic power.

But the protesters do not appear to have achieved their primary goal - changing votes in Congress. And some critics say the demonstration Monday may have generated a backlash, hardening positions on Capitol Hill.

The protests, which began in March and resumed Monday with a boycott of work, school and shops, has clearly grabbed the attention of Americans when the issue of illegal immigration is high on the agenda in Washington.

The heightened attention will make it difficult for Congress to duck the question of what to do with the estimated 11 million to 12 million people living illegally in the United States.

Although the outpouring has drawn comparisons to the civil rights movement of the 1960s, questions remain about whether the protesters can translate their passion into political results.

Although some companies closed, it is too early to assess the economic effects of the boycott. The effects were diminished because many workers notified their employers ahead of time that they planned to take the day off.

"This was a one-day deal," said Randel Johnson, vice president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which supports legislation to legalize immigrants. "If immigrants decided to abandon their jobs for two weeks, that would definitely have an impact."

Some advocates who support "comprehensive immigration reform," the idea that illegal workers should be put on a path to citizenship, say the protests have given that concept an important lift in the debate on Capitol Hill.

Other people say that few if any minds were changed and described the demonstrations as a Rorschach test in which people simply saw their own view reflected in the sea of mostly Latino marchers.

"I have no effective data on this, but it has probably hardened positions and maybe done a little bit of wedging," said Governor Jon Corzine of New Jersey, a Democrat and former senator who said he supported the protesters' cause. "I think that the people that were really fired up about this still are, and the position that they had to start with, they still carry."

The protesters have discovered that there is a thin line between promoting national pride and pushing the buttons of their opponents. They made tactical errors - flying the Mexican flag, recording the Star Spangled Banner in Spanish - that have left even some of their supporters feeling a little bit queasy.

"I have a great respect for a lot of the people that did the protesting, but I think their message is all confused," said Senator Pete Domenici, Republican of New Mexico, whose sympathy dates from his childhood, when his mother, an Italian immigrant, was nearly deported. "The flag, the anthem, all that, it got everybody all mixed up. Take off work, it sounded wrong to some people, right to others."

The American public is deeply divided on illegal immigration; a survey in March by the Pew Hispanic Center, a nonpartisan research group in Washington, found that 53 percent of respondents say people who are in the United States illegally should be required to go home, while 40 percent say they should be granted some kind of legal status that allows them to stay here.

That divide is reflected on Capitol Hill, controlled by Republicans. The House of Representatives opposes citizenship for illegal workers, and has passed legislation aimed only at controlling the borders, while a more comprehensive Senate bill is backed by Republicans like Domenici.

Some say the protests have given the Senate approach a boost.

"While you could never point to a specific vote, they moved the tone and the thrust where now a balanced bill has the upper hand, and it's in part because of the protests," Senator Charles Schumer, Democrat of New York, said.

A Republican split over the issue is complicated because it is not just the immigrants who are weighing in. Among their biggest allies are employers, large and small, who are demanding assurances that they will continue to have the labor pool they need. Business groups are important for the Republican base, and many employers gave their immigrant employees the day off Monday in solidarity with the marchers.

"Obviously there's tremendous pressure on lawmakers to fix the problem," said Frank Sharry, the executive director of the National Immigration Forum, an advocacy group.

Julia Preston in New York and Rachel L. Swarns in Washington contributed reporting for this article.



May 3, 2006 | 8:35 PM Comments  1 comments

Tags:


where are the danish cartoons ... ?

does any one know where one can find a link for the cartoons that have caused the global islamic outrage? i think a lot of people have no idea what they are protesting or arguing about as i'm sure millions have not seen them. so in the interest of having an informed discussion, could someone please point us to where they can perhaps be seen online ...

thanks


February 10, 2006 | 8:02 AM Comments  9 comments

Tags:


Africa Misunderstood - Journalists often miss the 'point' ...


These writers, journalists and thinkers that don’t really understand Africa, but like to think that they do, and then go on to show their inability to grasp what’s going on through their writing, really annoy me. If I didn’t believe that debate, dialogue and discussion were by far the best way of learning and bringing about change, I would ask them all to put their pens and cameras down. But debate is informative so let it be …

Did you see Simon Robinson’s article in the European version of Time magazine (http://www.time.com/time/europe/magazine/article/0,13005,901051205-1134693,00.html) ? I have pasted a copy of it below my comment. A friend of mine mentioned in his blog that he thinks it’s a good article on Africa. I’m disappointed. The idea that democracy is simple, in a place as complex and as torn apart as Africa is just a shallow idea. Living here, I see every day, the levels at which democracy and governance are so hard to make function in a continent like Africa. The leadership needs and requirements to make Africa succeed a very much different to what a western country would need. I agree that there is largely a void of such skills that you end up with people resorting to a totalitarian approach as the ‘easiest’ way to deal with things in the absence of those competencies. Let me elaborate:

To run an African country must be complex. I don’t claim to ever know how to run one, or that I will ever do so some day. No way! But you have to deal with several key factors in a very deep way:
• A history of oppression and abuse
• Tribal tensions that were engineered to keep people fighting each other – and they do not go away over night
• Poverty, and the pressures it puts on people to acquire and hold on to resources to stay out of poverty [those resources often go hand in hand with (political/military) power]
• Cultivating a culture of democracy

I could probably write a long thesis on these points, but I won’t!

You can’t reduce the leadership challenges of Africa to just ‘leaders’ and institutions. Institutions can be manipulated, no matter how strong they are. Look at the institutions in a ‘strong’ democracy like the US. Are they not being manipulated … ? I think so! I also think that for the most part, American people at large are like a frog in a pot of boiling water and will only notice that the water’s getting hot when it’s too late.

Anyway, back to Africa, I read the article below by Simon Robinson and he just makes Africa sound so simple, and by virtue, its people stupid and powerless … it’s disgusting. Here are my objections with his perspective:
1. statements by leaders like Clinton of praising African leaders when they don’t really understand Africa set the wrong tone. You get mad men like Museveni being made to look like models of what the rest of us should aspire you. Forget that for the most part, Museveni had suspended democracy in Uganda. Even now as he allows it to make a come back, he’s not tolerating any opposition. Yet you’ll find the noise being made against him to be really a slap on the wrist. If mugabe had put the opposition leader in jail before an election, imagine the outcry and reaction and action [sanctions etc] from the ‘west.’ The noise would be so loud, your ear drums would pop!

Yet putting the Musevenis on pedestals reinforces what they do and their tactics and ways of sucking up to the west as the way forward if you’re to stay in power, and have the world’s big shots back you!

2. You also have to understand the underlying motivations in Africa and in African society and politics. It is not always as simple as saying people want to stay in power. That’s true in some cases, but there are many other reasons for it too … some of the issues that these ‘leaders’ put on the table are bona fide, important issues that need to be addressed, but then again addressing them is not always in the interests of big business, western foreign policy and other excuses. So they are brushed aside and the leaders are just brashed as power hungry and their cases are made illegitimate. The inconsistencies are amazing. It’s pick and choose. So as partners in developing democracy in Africa, the west often makes itself irrelevant because of how they will treat the same situations in country by country with such colossal differences.

Again, allow me to make comparisons between Zimbabwe and another African country – Kenya. Zimbabwe had a constitutional referendum in 2000 which the government lost. The president in Zimbabwe, as in Kenya, accepted the result, did not suspend elections or his cabinet or people’s right to meet. Yet Zimbabwe’s elections a few months later in which people voted and the government wasn’t overthrown, were called ‘unfree and unfair.’ Kenya’s president has, in my eyes, responded very undemocratically to the whole referendum thing. Today they decided that attending opposition rallies was a threat to national security. No one’s really bothered about asking Kenya to behave herself. So if you’re a politician in Zimbabwe, you take those cautions you receive when you ban opposition rallies as just ‘unfairness and bias’ against you. So it doesn’t help to foster that culture of democracy. Your influence as a partner is zero because you’ve shown such inconsistency in reacting to similar breaches of democratic processes.

With all due respect, constitutional issues in many countries just confuse things. People almost never vote on the constitution presented. They use the occasion to show the sitting government the finger. Constitutions are complex documents and their drafting, such complex and delicate processes that you can't assumt everyone will understand the legal implications of a document that lawyers themselves disagree so much on their natures and interpretations. Look at the recent examples of Zimbabwe, Kenya, France, the Netherlands … so for Robinson to look at the constitutional process in Kenya and use it as a benchmark for measuring democractic process - - hogwash!

3. by the way, Mr. Robinson, the opposition in Zambia last won an election in the early 1990s. since then, they have NOT won an election. That opposition became government and has stayed in power ever since. So please don’t get your facts confused. They once again show how much you don’t understand what you’re really talking about. You’re almost as bad as those people who point to Botswana as a model of African democracy! Ha!

4. Robinsons once again gets it wrong. Look at his analysis of Zimbabwe in this paragraph:
“Take Zimbabwe. Even five years ago, the country boasted one of the best judiciaries in Africa. Voters could make their voices heard, as they did in 2000 when they rejected a new constitution backed by President Robert Mugabe. The independent press was amongst the feistiest on the continent. Over the past few years, though, Mugabe and his henchmen have bludgeoned the opposition into near submission, rigged elections, closed down the independent press and forced most of the country's best judges into retirement. Mugabe, once hailed as a great new African leader himself, has proved more powerful than his country's institutions. “

First of all, the judiciary that was in place in Zimbabwe was still largely a white judiciary from pre-Independence days that protected a very conservative agenda that was not in the interests of most Zimbabweans. The same people who had legislated to maintain and uphold apartheid in Zimbabwe were somehow amongst the “best judiciaries in Africa.” When they disagreed with the government, and left, or ‘were forced out,’ and replaced by capable black Zimbabwean judges, our judiciary is suddenly not credible? Because it doesn’t just rule in favor of white minority or foreign interests… ? when was the last time Robinson was in Zimbabwe, or bought a Zimbabwean independent newspaper? Who is he kidding? There are still independent newspapers in Zimbabwe that are very critical of the government in many ways. We’ve never had private TV or radio. Even in the good days. So there’s no benchmark there. One newspaper was closed down in around 2002, for refusing to register with the regulatory authority. Every other paper registered and is still in business. Yet we are told that all the free press has been shut down. Again, another lie that western media likes to promote. I am not saying journalists here write have all the freedoms in the world and it’s an easy environment to be a journalist. Not at all. But again, there’s reasons for that, and if people understand those reasons, they can make meaningful contributions to addressing those problems. Not advocating for sanctions or punishments to fix things. That never works. But those that don’t understand end up writing trashy generalizations about Africa like Mr. Robinson just did. my question is, how would he like to see the judiciary in zimbabwe therefore ... ? full of old white judges who are good at matters of the law [zimbabwean trained black judges are just as good and competent, and don't always agree of rule in favor of the government], and yet want to rule in contra to the interests of the majority of citizens? it cannot work. not in africa. not in any country. (there's a reason why the appointment of supreme court judges in the US is such a hot issue ... )

5. finally, why are these journalists [Michael Wines of the NY Times fame, as well as Rachel Swans and many others who write for different newspapers as the “Africa specialists”] always dodging the core real issues affecting democracy and good governance and good living in Africa. The issues haven’t changed for over 500 years – the desire to have and control those resources that flow out of Africa. If we’re honest, we’ll admit that democracy in Africa is by and large corrupted by the need to access and control those resources. Often in arrangements involving parties on both sides of the equation. But it’s much, much easier and more acceptable to write about failed leadership and weak institutions. It keeps the dogs of the scent. And it keeps us obsessing about voting for the next loser in Africa and missing the real point. Once you raise the topic, you’re labeled an out of touch nationalist who isn’t in touch with the needs of today’s Africa – modern democracies, run by western educated technocrats [if I hear of the fact that Liberia’s new president studied at Harvard just one more time, I’ll throw my TV out the window!] focusing on building institutions and leadership! Blah!

Good leaders and institutions are important yes. But also understanding the underlying, fundamental issues is important as is having the guts to be fair and objective in dealing with the governance challenges in Africa across the board, not in isolated cases country by country while we pretend that other villains are the “hope for our continent’s future!”

http://www.time.com/time/europe/magazine/article/0,13005,901051205-1134693,00.html

ESSAY
Africa's Game of Follow the Leader
Why strong institutions matter most when once promising politicians start to fail

By SIMON ROBINSON

Saturday, Nov. 26, 2005
For brutal honesty on the causes of Africa's woes, it's hard to beat Chinua Achebe's The Trouble with Nigeria. Written during the country's rowdy 1983 election campaign, the book, just 68 pages long, is an outpouring of frustration at Nigeria's problems. You only have to read the contents page to tap into Achebe's angst. The author — best known for Things Fall Apart, a powerful work of fiction that almost half a century after its release still tops lists of Africa's greatest novels — uses blunt prose to deliver the message in Trouble. Chapter headings telegraph his views: "False Image of Ourselves"; "Social Injustice and the Cult of Mediocrity"; "Indiscipline"; "Corruption." Achebe lays out his case in the book's very first sentence: "The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership."

Many Nigerians agreed, and Africans across the continent reached similar conclusions about their own countries. Which is why, in the mid-1990s, when a new generation of leaders emerged, Africans dared to hope that things could finally be changing. People like Issaias Afewerki in Eritrea, Laurent Kabila in Democratic Republic of Congo, Paul Kagame in Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda and Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia promised a new style of leadership that focused on building economies and democratic nations instead of shoring up their power by force and ensuring that they and their friends got rich. When President Bill Clinton visited Africa in 1998, he touted this generation as Africa's great hope.

The reality has rarely matched the hype. Within months of Clinton's visit, Rwanda and Uganda had invaded Congo, and Eritrea and Ethiopia had gone to war with each other. While some leaders — notably Museveni and Zenawi — still did enough to remain darlings of Western donors, even they have now begun to slide. In Ethiopia, Zenawi has sent troops onto the streets to stop opposition supporters protesting the results of a general election last May. In Uganda, an increasingly dictatorial Museveni announced two weeks ago that he will run for office again, following Parliament's decision to scrap term limits that would have forced him to retire. That long-expected bulletin came just days after his main opponent was thrown in prison on charges — vehemently denied — of treason and rape. Demonstrations have been temporarily banned.

So, Achebe's lament still holds true, then? No. Fixing Africa was never as simple as changing its leaders. And that's why the fall from grace of Museveni and Zenawi may prove a positive thing, even if they hurt their own countries in the short term. It's a reminder, especially to Western countries that invested so much in Africa's new leaders, that strong institutions are far more important than personalities. Good leaders can turn bad if they stay in office long enough: faults become obvious; people compromise to hold onto power; supporters get frustrated with the inevitable slow pace of change. It's not just Africa. There are plenty of erstwhile supporters of Tony Blair who would be happy to see the back of him. The same goes for one-time fans of Jacques Chirac and George Bush. A key difference is that the institutions in the countries those men lead — parliament, the judiciary, the press — are bigger than any one person and counterbalance the worst excesses. That's still not a given in Africa.

Take Zimbabwe. Even five years ago, the country boasted one of the best judiciaries in Africa. Voters could make their voices heard, as they did in 2000 when they rejected a new constitution backed by President Robert Mugabe. The independent press was amongst the feistiest on the continent. Over the past few years, though, Mugabe and his henchmen have bludgeoned the opposition into near submission, rigged elections, closed down the independent press and forced most of the country's best judges into retirement. Mugabe, once hailed as a great new African leader himself, has proved more powerful than his country's institutions.

There is progress, of course. Kenyans last week rejected a new constitution backed by lackluster President Mwai Kibaki — elected just three years ago in a wave of reformist zeal — because of concerns that the proposals vested too much power in his office. (Kibaki promptly sacked his entire Cabinet.) Voters in Ghana, Senegal and Zambia have all elected opposition parties since the turn of the century. Such peaceful shifts prove that institutions in some countries are becoming strong enough to survive change and are not merely dependent upon, or at the mercy of, whoever sits in the presidential palace. Ethiopia and Uganda are also vastly better off than they were before Zenawi and Museveni took power; the backsliding hasn't wrecked all the good work the men have done. But their tainted legacies are a lesson. "A leader's no-nonsense reputation might induce a favorable climate but in order to effect lasting change, it must be followed up with a radical program of social and economic reorganization," writes Achebe in The Trouble with Nigeria. In other words, good leaders are good, but strong institutions are even better.


November 28, 2005 | 8:18 PM Comments  2 comments

Tags:


Running from Reality in France ...

Now don't you dare marry more than one wife ... especially you crazy african men out there! you're contribute to social unrest, riots and burned cars. and who would want that?

this article is ridiculous! france is ripped apart by social tensions, mainly based on issues of equity and economics and, at the same time an incredible opportunity for genuine dialogue and transformation opens up and what do people in political leadership do...? blame it on the number of wives a man has? young french men are angry because their society does not give them opportunities to participate and engage in productive activities. they respond violently to years of picked on and stereotyped as trouble causers; they are unhappy with being referred to [by government ministers] as 'scum' or filth; they are marginalized and not made to feel like they belong where they have settled. they are threatened with deportation should they break the law. yet the root cause of this trouble is polygamy? and we have people preaching to us in africa about creating diverse, multi-racial [emphasized more than multi-ethnic] societies ... what for? so that immigrants to made themselves at home through brutal means 300 years ago can feel at home, but those who are trying to make them feel at home on other continents are to the thrown out, together with their "filthy" cultural practices. but we have to create multi-racial societies that comfortable accommodate other people's cultural practices -- democracy, religion, 'modernization'

why does something about this whole picture JUST DOES NOT MAKE SENSE TO ME!

oh no, hold on dumi -- it's simple. tell you people to limit the number of women they sleep with, and everything with be ok.

the article in the new york times points to this ridiculous claim made by some french thought and political leaders that Polygamy is a key factor in this french unrest! in all fairness, there have been effort to address the other issues too and to highlight them, but the fact that this one gets this much air time repulses me!

d.



Immigrant Polygamy Is a Factor in French Unrest, a Gaullist Says


By ELAINE SCIOLINO <http://query.nytimes.com/search/query?ppds=bylL&v1=ELAINESCIOLINO&fdq=19960101&td=sysdate&sort=newest&ac=ELAINESCIOLINO&inline=nyt-per>

Published: November 18, 2005

PARIS, Nov. 17 - In the search for explanations for the riots that have rocked France , some politicians and intellectuals are pointing to a novel one: polygamy.

In an interview with RTL radio on Wednesday, Bernard Accoyer, the parliamentary leader of President Jacques Chirac's Gaullist party, the Union for a Popular Movement, called polygamy "certainly one of the causes, though not the only one" for France's worst unrest in four decades. He blamed the former Socialist government of Prime Minister Lionel Jospin or being "strangely lax" in enforcing the ban on polygamy. Pierre Cardo, a deputy in Parliament from Mr. Chirac's party, said that the most difficult juvenile delinquents were "often products of polygamous families."

Hélène Carrère d'Encausse, one of the country's most eminent historians and the permanent secretary of the Académie Française, was even more pointed. "Everyone is astonished; why are African children in the streets and not at school?" she said on Russian television in Moscow on Sunday. "Why can't their parents buy an apartment? It's clear why. Many of these Africans, I tell you, are polygamous. In an apartment, there are three or four wives and 25 children." Even the interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, has suggested that polygamy makes it harder for North African Arabs and sub-Saharan Africans to integrate into French life.

"There are more problems for a child of an immigrant of black Africa or of North Africa than for a son of a Swede, a Dane or a Hungarian," said Mr. Sarkozy, the son of a Hungarian father, in an interview with France 2 television on Nov. 10. "Because culture, because polygamy, because social origins contribute to more hardships for him."

The remarks have set off an uproar in France and charges of racism. In a statement on Wednesday, MRAP, an antiracist group, accused political leaders on the right of "playing an extremely dangerous role in feeding our country with the racism that causes the damage we know."

No official figures are available on polygamy in France, although some women's rights groups estimate the number of polygamous families as high as 30,000. They come mostly from sub-Saharan Africa, including Mali, Senegal and Gambia. The practice is less prevalent among the much larger and older immigrant population of North Africa.

Bigamy is illegal in France, and punishable by a year in prison and a $53,000 fine. But the practice of polygamy among immigrant families from countries where it is part of the culture and tradition is more complicated. Polygamy was effectively banned by a 1993 law that prevented second wives from getting visas. But it created difficult situations for families that had lived in France for years, and pushed many wives to enter France illegally. Polygamy is therefore largely tolerated, particularly if the marriages took place before the 1993 law went into effect.

To end polygamous living arrangements, local authorities encourage wives to seek separate accommodations. "We tell them, 'It may be legal in Africa, but in France, it's not,' " said a City Hall spokeswoman who would not allow her name to be used, citing City Hall policy.

The issue also has caused a furor in the French news media. Le Monde put the article on its front page Thursday afternoon. An editorial Thursday in Le Courrier Picard, a northern French newspaper, said, "Then like this, it's because Papa is polygamous that the son burns cars." It called such statements "a call for a new and hypocritical apartheid."

In an effort to calm the waters, Jean-François Copé, a Chirac spokesman, sought to distance the government from remarks linking polygamy and the unrest. "You cannot draw such a tight link between polygamy and urban violence," he said Thursday in a radio interview. "The crisis of disadvantaged neighborhoods has multiple causes."

Community groups acknowledge there is a problem of polygamous families, but say the causes of the riots run much deeper. "A culprit has to be found," said Claudette Bodin, co-president of Afrique Partenaires Services, a support group for families from sub-Saharan countries in France, in a telephone interview. "It's easier to accuse polygamous families than to question your own society." Daniel Vaillant, the Socialist mayor of the 18th Arrondissement, which has a large number of immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa, also said the problem was much larger. "You cannot say that polygamy created or aggravated the riots," he said in a telephone interview. "This is transferring the blame." The root problems, he said, were "those of jobs, of housing, of bitterness."

Ariane Bernard and Hélène Fouquet contributed reporting for this article.



November 18, 2005 | 10:31 PM Comments  6 comments

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Latin America finding its own way

latin american countries seem to be leading in defining a different, more independent poltical agenda, less dicated to from D.C. i guess it helps that there's a huge leadership defecit in washington, and also that there are leadership gain in those countries i guess. plus the fact that people can see that most policies prescribed from places like Washington DC are not in their best interests. i am interested though in the perspective of people in countries like uruguay, argentina, venezuela and brazil to learn about how they seem the impacts of the shift in the outlook and perspective of their political leadership. is life much different from the days when policies were more dominated by world bank and IMF idealogies [not that they are completely free now]? what are the long term prospects?

the rest of us (especially in africa) have a lot to learn from latin america. the article below does a good job of breaking it down, although it is from the perspective of a major US newspaper.


http://news.yahoo.com/s/chitribts/20051031/ts_chicagotrib/bushheadingintodenofleftists

Bush heading into den of leftists
By Colin McMahon Tribune foreign correspondentMon Oct 31, 9:40 AM
ET

For a guy with the headaches President Bush faces, quiet time away and a pleasant visit with friends might be just the ticket. Too bad Bush is booked for South America this week.

The fourth Summit of the Americas will bring Bush into territory that is not quite enemy but far less allied than before. Half the hemisphere's leaders have changed since Bush took office in 2001 promising to make Latin America a priority. The region's politics have changed too.

A resurgent left is reshaping Latin America. This year alone, leftist protests toppled governments in Ecuador and Bolivia. A socialist took power for the first time in Uruguay. And Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, swimming in oil profits and brimming with bravado, is rallying the region against the United States and its economic prescriptions.

All told, more than 320 million Latin Americans have seen their nations turn to the left in recent years--in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela.

Yet this turn is not nearly so dramatic as some had feared and others had hoped. So far, complex economic and political realities have softened Latin America's leftist wave.

"The elections in Uruguay and elsewhere have been a referendum against failed policies. People have started looking for alternatives," said Ernesto Talvi, an economist and executive director of the think tank CERES in Montevideo. "But I don't think they are looking for alternatives that revert us to the failed policies of the past."

Markets failed the poor

During the 1990s and early in this decade, free-market policies--low tariffs, fiscal discipline, privatization--remade Latin American economies. But they failed to significantly reduce poverty or expand the middle class. Poor and working-class voters felt robbed by relentless austerity measures, the loss of state jobs and the cutting of government subsidies.

Leftist precepts that analysts had written off only a decade ago underwent a revival. And so did anti-Americanism. Growing numbers of Latin Americans came to accuse Washington of imperialism in foreign policy and of pushing neo-liberal economic policies that enrich the United States and the region's elite at the expense of the masses.

Bush in particular is identified with the policies that have come under criticism. Suspicion from fellow leaders and derision from protesters will greet the American president at the summit, which starts Friday in Argentina. But most of the hemisphere still looks to the United States for leadership, aid and investment.

This presents the Bush administration with an opportunity but also a thorny foreign policy challenge. Push its agenda too much, as the United States is accused of doing in confronting Chavez in Venezuela, and Washington is seen as meddling. Stand too far back, as the United States is accused of doing regionally since the Sept. 11 attacks, and Washington is seen as abandoning Latin American nations trying to do the right thing on human rights, trade and immigration.

U.S. officials acknowledge that the so-called pink tide rolling across Latin America has a mellow tint.

A few governments have raised tariffs to protect domestic industries, but there has been no wholesale return to protectionism. Social spending is rising, but treasuries remain committed to fiscal discipline. Leaders across the region extol the importance of attracting capital and investment, and last year two nations with left-of-center leaders, Brazil and Chile, recorded the highest percentage increases in foreign investment. Economic opportunity is hardly washing away.

Some left-of-center presidents, such as Brazil's Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, have even come under criticism for being too conservative.

Brazilian turnabout

During his long career as a labor leader and his unlikely slog to the presidency of Brazil, da Silva railed against the free-market economic policies that have transformed his nation. But as the elected leader of the world's fifth most-populous country, da Silva is gambling that fiscal discipline and free markets will spur sustained growth, create jobs and provide the revenue da Silva's government needs to address Brazil's crushing social inequalities.

"Lula changed," said Marcilio Marques Moreira, a former finance minister who also was Brazil's ambassador to the United States. "I don't know if it was by conviction or by pragmatism, but in the process there was a certain type of conversion, at least in economic policy."

This conversion breaks the heart of da Silva's leftist allies. But da Silva's orthodox policies are credited with stabilizing Brazil's economy--and helping to insulate da Silva from an all-out political attack--during a corruption scandal that threatened his government.

That scandal has cost da Silva standing and influence in the region, and Chavez has benefited.

Because of the value of Venezuela's oil, Chavez for now can afford to challenge economic liberalism and even chase off some foreign investors. The Venezuela leader has won many fans with his calls for a "Bolivarian revolution" that would restore a large state role to national economies.

But elsewhere the new leftists are wary of isolating their countries from international credit markets and foreign capital. They are searching for a Latin American third way between unfettered capitalism and state-dominated socialism. They see private business as the engine of growth, but they are not content to leave job creation to the unforgiving market. They believe in free trade but want safeguards to make sure trade is fair.

This may not work, and most Bush administration officials and conservative economists say it will not. They blame corruption and poor execution of market policies, not the policies themselves, for their failure across Latin America. But the hardships and inequalities across Latin American have convinced most voters and the new breed of leftist leaders that the economic orthodoxy of the so-called Washington Consensus has failed them.

Holding off the radicals

The challenge now is for the new leftists to make their way work before radical approaches gain more favor. In some countries, the throwing out of the old has coincided with the rise of new political movements with a strong populist bent and a fervent anti-American agenda. Their commitment to electoral democracy is at best unproven.

So far, the Latin American third way is being built most convincingly by the market-minded socialists running Chile.

Chile has one of the world's most open economies, according to an annual international survey by the conservative Heritage Foundation. And it is the region's beacon for free traders. The left-of-center government of President Ricardo Lagos has aggressively pursued trade deals with countries in Europe, Asia and North America, and Chile's economy has grown more robustly and consistently than any other in the region.

Trade between Latin America and the United States has grown steadily every year since 2001 and has risen to a historic high. But trade between Chile and the United States has positively soared. A bilateral agreement that went into effect in 2004 between the United States and Chile spurred U.S. exports to that country by 33 percent last year, according to U.S. government statistics.

Chile, however, departs occasionally from orthodox neo-liberalism. It has placed limits on how quickly investors can move money in and out of the country, for example, to encourage long-term direct investment and advance "growth with equity."

At the same time, the Lagos government has expanded social programs. In the last 15 years, Chile has slashed the poverty rate to 18 percent of the population from 40 percent. And by doing so, Chile's leadership has brought voters on the far left more toward the center.

"We are being very aggressive in liberalizing and opening the economy," said Chilean Foreign Minister Ignacio Walker. "But we never lose sight that liberalization is the means and not the ends in itself--the means to achieve equitable and sustainable growth."

Argentina is more complex. President Nestor Kirchner's government flirts with price controls, protectionism, currency manipulation and other state interventions that dismay free marketers. But Kirchner has been far more fiscally conservative than his 1990s predecessors, who became darlings of the financial markets even as Argentina was borrowing its way toward a collapse that threw millions of its citizens into poverty.

"It is impossible to conceive of a country without fiscal discipline, correct administration, the care of reserves," Kirchner told the Buenos Aires newspaper Pagina 12, sounding more like a neo-liberal than a leader of his Peronist party.

Since Argentina defaulted more than three years ago on $100 billion in loans and interest, Kirchner has taken a hard line in dealing with creditors and foreign investors. Economists and other Latin governments are closely watching whether he can hold that hard line while ensuring that Argentina gets the capital it needs to continue its recovery.

Already leftists in Brazil, Ecuador and Bolivia are calling for their nations to follow Argentina's lead. They want to suspend debt payments and force renegotiations on private creditors and multinational lenders. But even left-of-center economists agree that such moves carry great risks. The populism espoused by Chavez and advocated by his followers would severely damage most Latin American economies by shutting them off from foreign investment, economists argue.

Bolivia, where street protests have forced two presidents from office in the past 18 months, is considered particularly worrisome. U.S. officials accuse Chavez and Cuba's Fidel Castro of seeking to use proxies such as coca farmer-turned-opposition leader Evo Morales to turn Bolivia into a Marxist, anti-American state. Even leftists such as da Silva and Kirchner, who rely on Bolivia for natural gas, have expressed concerns about a potential economic collapse in Bolivia and the splintering of democratic institutions.

Bush administration officials say a government's political shade is less of an issue than a nation's democratic stability. For one thing, the soundness of institutions matters more to investors than whether a government calls itself left or center or right. Foreign investors seek such qualities as consistent and transparent taxes and regulations, and a judicial system not overrun by corruption. The governments that deliver, no matter what their shade, are deemed suitable partners.

Rice `not worried'

"I am certainly not worried about the rise of left-of-center governments," Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice declared before the June summit of the Organization of American States.

But in an interview with the Miami Herald that was released by the State Department, Rice made clear that not all left-of-center governments were viewed the same way. She offered indirect if not exactly veiled criticism of Chavez. And she praised the Brazilians under da Silva: "They have been absolutely committed to a social agenda ... but doing it in a way that is responsible economically."

Da Silva has stuck with his current economic policy even under extreme pressure from his Workers Party base to employ populist and socialist remedies for Brazil's widespread poverty. That shows how deeply certain principles of the Washington Consensus have penetrated Latin American political and economic thinking.

"When Lula came into office, there was a lot of fear about how the government would manage the economy and a lot of confidence about how ethical the government would be," said Ricardo Ribeiro, an economist and political analyst with MCM Consultants in Sao Paulo. "It is ironic that we are seeing just the opposite."

----------

cmcmahon@tribune.com

November 1, 2005 | 7:25 AM Comments  1 comments

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Budgeting in Hyperinflation

i am trying to create a budget for my organization over the next year ... with year on year inflation figures at around 400%, it's a night mare. i have never dealt with this many 000s before!

if any one out there has good tips about business management in a hyperinflationary economy, send them to me please!


October 21, 2005 | 7:21 AM Comments  2 comments

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Bush Teleconference With Soldiers Staged

i love how real democracy works... all scripted! every thing from what he says, to waht people say to him!

and i don't understand why people in america put up with it! okay, so there were demonstrations in DC last month. then everyone put away their picket signs and went home. and they get dooped the very next month. too bad there's no country out there with a government like, eeeeh, the united states of america has, to sponsor "public rebellion" against such rubbish! perhaps we would have a purple-orange-rose-red-white-and-blue revolution!

d.



http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20051014/ap_on_go_pr_wh/bush_iraq


Bush Teleconference With Soldiers Staged
By DEB RIECHMANN, Associated Press Writer
1 hour, 51 minutes ago

It was billed as a conversation with U.S. troops, but the questions President Bush asked on a teleconference call Thursday were choreographed to match his goals for the war in Iraq and Saturday's vote on a new Iraqi constitution.

"This is an important time," Allison Barber, deputy assistant defense secretary, said, coaching the soldiers before Bush arrived. "The president is looking forward to having just a conversation with you."

Barber said the president was interested in three topics: the overall security situation in Iraq, security preparations for the weekend vote and efforts to train Iraqi troops.

As she spoke in Washington, a live shot of 10 soldiers from the Army's 42nd Infantry Division and one Iraqi soldier was beamed into the Eisenhower Executive Office Building from Tikrit — the birthplace of former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.

"I'm going to ask somebody to grab those two water bottles against the wall and move them out of the camera shot for me," Barber said.

A brief rehearsal ensued.

"OK, so let's just walk through this," Barber said. "Captain Kennedy, you answer the first question and you hand the mike to whom?"

"Captain Smith," Kennedy said.

"Captain. Smith? You take the mike and you hand it to whom?" she asked.

"Captain Kennedy," the soldier replied.

And so it went.

"If the question comes up about partnering — how often do we train with the Iraqi military — who does he go to?" Barber asked.

"That's going to go to Captain Pratt," one of the soldiers said.

"And then if we're going to talk a little bit about the folks in Tikrit — the hometown — and how they're handling the political process, who are we going to give that to?" she asked.

Before he took questions, Bush thanked the soldiers for serving and reassured them that the U.S. would not pull out of Iraq until the mission was complete.

"So long as I'm the president, we're never going to back down, we're never going to give in, we'll never accept anything less than total victory," Bush said.

The president told them twice that the American people were behind them.

"You've got tremendous support here at home," Bush said.

Less than 40 percent in an AP-Ipsos poll taken in October said they approved of the way Bush was handling Iraq. Just over half of the public now say the Iraq war was a mistake.

White House press secretary Scott McClellan said Thursday's event was coordinated with the Defense Department but that the troops were expressing their own thoughts. With satellite feeds, coordination often is needed to overcome technological challenges, such as delays, he said.

"I think all they were doing was talking to the troops and letting them know what to expect," he said, adding that the president wanted to talk with troops on the ground who have firsthand knowledge about the situation.

The soldiers all gave Bush an upbeat view of the situation.

The president also got praise from the Iraqi soldier who was part of the chat.

"Thank you very much for everything," he gushed. "I like you."

On preparations for the vote, 1st Lt. Gregg Murphy of Tennessee said: "Sir, we are prepared to do whatever it takes to make this thing a success. ... Back in January, when we were preparing for that election, we had to lead the way. We set up the coordination, we made the plan. We're really happy to see, during the preparation for this one, sir, they're doing everything."

On the training of Iraqi security forces, Master Sgt. Corine Lombardo from Scotia, N.Y., said to Bush: "I can tell you over the past 10 months, we've seen a tremendous increase in the capabilities and the confidences of our Iraqi security force partners. ... Over the next month, we anticipate seeing at least one-third of those Iraqi forces conducting independent operations."

Lombardo told the president that she was in New York City on Nov. 11, 2001, when Bush attended an event recognizing soldiers for their recovery and rescue efforts at Ground Zero. She said the troops began the fight against terrorism in the wake of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and were proud to continue it in Iraq.

"I thought you looked familiar," Bush said, and then joked: "I probably look familiar to you, too."

Paul Rieckhoff, director of the New York-based Operation Truth, an advocacy group for U.S. veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan, denounced the event as a "carefully scripted publicity stunt." Five of the 10 U.S. troops involved were officers, he said.

"If he wants the real opinions of the troops, he can't do it in a nationally televised teleconference," Rieckhoff said. "He needs to be talking to the boots on the ground and that's not a bunch of captains."




October 14, 2005 | 3:42 AM Comments  3 comments

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development aid is not sustainable development ..

this article (below) in the NY Times is really frustrating! instead of using 'aid' money to invest in african agriculture to address the problems of hunger [and the money would go SO much further to really averting poverty], the US Congress road blocks the passage of a bill that would make buying food for aid from african farmers. i understand they have a farming industry they feel they need to protect, but obviously some people don't really understand the larger effects of such policy and legislation. or perhaps they do, but don't really care about sustainable development!


From - http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/12/international/africa/12memo.html?ex=1286769600&en=1bc36f245d786ce8&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss

October 12, 2005
Poverty Memo
African Food for Africa's Starving Is Roadblocked in Congress

By CELIA W. DUGGER
It seemed like a no-brainer: changing the law to allow the federal government to buy food in Africa for Africans facing starvation instead of paying enormous sums to ship it from the American heartland, halfway around the world. Not only would the food get to the hungry in weeks instead of months, the government would save money and help African farmers at the same time.

The new approach had an impeccable sponsor in Republican-dominated Washington. The Bush administration, famous for its go-it-alone style, was trying to move the United States - by far the world's biggest food donor - into the international mainstream with a proposal to take a step in just this direction. A lot of rich countries had already done so, most recently Canada.

So why is this seemingly sensible, cost-effective proposal near death in Congress?

Fundamentally, because the proposal challenges the political bargain that has formed the basis for food aid over the past half century: that American generosity must be good not just for the world's hungry but also for American agriculture. That is why current law stipulates that all food aid provided by the United States Agency for International Development be grown by American farmers and mostly shipped on United States-flag vessels. More practically, however, it is because the administration's proposal has run into opposition from three interests some critics call the Iron Triangle of food aid: agribusiness, the shipping industry and charitable organizations.

Just four companies and their subsidiaries, led by Archer Daniels Midland and Cargill, sold more than half the $700 million in food commodities provided through the United States Agency for International Development's food aid program in 2004, government records show. Just five shipping companies received over half the more than $300 million spent to ship that food, records show.

Members of Congress often applaud the benefits of food aid for American farmers, but that is not really how it works, as Christopher B. Barrett, a Cornell University economist and co-author of "Food Aid After Fifty Years: Recasting its Role," noted. "It's the middlemen who enjoy most of the gains," he said, "not the farmers."

Mr. Barrett's research has established a third side to the triangle of interests with a deep stake in the status quo: nonprofit aid organizations. He and his co-author, Daniel Maxwell, a CARE official, found that at least seven of them, including Catholic Relief Services and CARE itself, depended on food aid for a quarter to half their budgets in 2001. Those groups distribute food in poor countries. But what is less well known is that they have also become grain traders, selling substantial amounts of the donated food on local markets in poor countries to generate tens of millions of dollars for their antipoverty programs. Given that at least 50 cents of each dollar's worth of food aid is spent on transport, storage and administrative costs, selling food to raise money in, say, Africa, is an exceedingly inefficient way to finance long-term development, Mr. Barrett said. Better to just give nonprofit groups the money directly.

Had the Agency for International Development had the authority to buy food in Ethiopia in the mid-1980's, when a million perished, or in 1999-2000 when 20,000 died, it could have saved many more lives, said its administrator, Andrew S. Natsios, who added, "Speed is everything in a famine response."

He pushed within the administration for a proposal that would allow up to a quarter of his agency's food aid budget to be spent in developing countries. President Bush approved the idea, he said, and it was included in the proposed 2006 budget introduced in February.

Ed Fox, the agency's assistant administrator for legislative and public affairs, said the issue was deliberately given a low profile. Little was to be gained from putting members of Congress in the position of choosing between agricultural constituencies and starving children, he said.

But if the proposal was little noticed by the general public, it did not escape the attention of groups representing the so-called Iron Triangle, who argued that cash used to buy food was more likely to be misused or stolen than were in-kind food donations. They maintained that the administration's proposal should not come at the expense of a program "upon which American producers, processors and shipping companies rely," as a statement from an ad hoc coalition of 17 companies and associations put it.

The Coalition for Food Aid, which represents 16 nonprofit groups, also opposed it. While supporting the idea of buying food in poor countries, said Ellen Levinson, the coalition's lobbyist, its members favored a more limited pilot program paid for only with additional appropriations, not money from the agency's core budget.

Ms. Levinson criticized the administration for failing to spell out how its plan would work, and said a carefully monitored pilot was needed to ensure that food bought in poor countries was safe and that the purchases did not drive up food prices for the poor. She also cautioned that food bought near a crisis would not necessarily be quicker to arrive, noting that the European Union has been very slow to release cash for food in some cases.

But Oxfam, which accepts no direct American food aid and is not part of the coalition, has actively supported the administration's proposal. In testimony submitted to Congress, it pointedly noted that the current system offered too many opportunities "for a variety of private interests to skim off benefits in the procurement, packaging, transportation and distribution of commodities."

And CARE, the second largest distributor of United States food aid and a member of the coalition, had a change of heart. It has now given unconditional support to food purchases in developing countries.

The food aid debate will flare again later this year as global trade talks approach, with the European Union proposing that rich countries give a growing portion of their food aid as cash. But, for now, the administration's proposal is going nowhere. Senator Mike DeWine, Republican of Ohio, still hopes Congress will ultimately allow up to 10 percent of food aid to be spent in poor countries. "It's a question of trying to save lives," he said.

But opposition remains strong. Bob Goodlatte, a Virginia Republican who heads the House Agriculture Committee, said even Mr. DeWine's modest compromise "would break a coalition that has resulted in one of the most successful food aid programs in world history."

In Canada this year, the politics of food aid has unfolded in a starkly different way, with the leading nonprofit group, the Canadian Foodgrains Bank, and the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, the country's main umbrella organization of farm groups, supporting a sharp reduction of the amount of food bought in Canada. "Canadian farmers are not going to say you have to source food in Canada regardless of whether starving people are waiting for it," said the federation's president, Robert Friesen.


Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company


October 12, 2005 | 11:13 AM Comments  2 comments

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Hope-a-holics!

interesting piece from Gloria Steinem, posted at http://digital.guardian.co.uk/guardian/2005/09/13/pages/ber28.shtml

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

I'm a hopeaholic. There's nothing George Bush can do about it

We have imposed our disastrous president on the world — but America's finest quality is already turning the tide at home


Gloria Steinem

It's hard to travel or send words out of the US now. How can any American expect to be welcomed in the rest of the world when we have imposed the narcissistic and disastrous George Bush on it? I could explain that almost none of his policies has majority support here. Even among those who voted for him, a poll showed that 60% to 80% thought they were voting for the opposite of his actual positions: they supported the comprehensive test ban treaty (he didn't); they supported the Kyoto treaty on global warming (he didn't); they supported the international criminal court (he threatened to sanction any nation that did); and so on. This tells you a lot about the level of information in mass media that prefer celebrities, yelling matches and advertising to investigating what is and isn't accurate.

But never fear, Americans are being punished. Having re-elected Bush as a wartime president, we have to watch him alienating more allies and inspiring more people to join the war against us every day.

Still, I have hope. I have hope because majority opinion has turned against the invasion of Iraq in far less time that it took to wake up to Vietnam. I have hope because Bush's selling-off of the US government, one function at a time, has stumbled on the privatisation of social security. I have hope because Americans are finally connecting, via the internet, with what the rest of the world thinks. I have hope because the only long-term solution to rightwing extremism was visible in the last election; I've seen people willing to vote before, but for the first time I saw people fighting to vote. Only an end to our status as one of the lowest-voting democracies in the world can keep a focused and financed minority from cutting through the majority like a hot knife through butter.

Hard times have made me realise that hope might be the most American of qualities, the reason why many immigrants come here and our best export by far. When I've lived in other countries, it's what I've been most homesick for. After all, unless we make a place in our imaginations for what could be, there's not much point in believing in anything. You might say I'm a hopeaholic.

I owe this not only to being born here, but to working as a feminist organiser. Terminal hopefulness is an occupational hazard. None the less, I've come to feel that hope is natural, a necessity of human evolution — and hopelessness has to be carefully taught by those who benefit from the status quo. Here's why.

I had the good luck of missing school until I was 12 or so. My parents thought that seeing the country from a trailer or caravan was as educational as a classroom, so I escaped the discouragement that, especially in my generation, came with it. I wasn't taught that boys and girls were practically different species, that America was "discovered" when the first white guy set foot on it, or that Europe deserved more space in my textbooks than Asia and Africa combined. I didn't even learn that people at the top were smarter than people at the bottom.

Instead I grew up seeing with my own eyes, following my curiosity, falling in love with books and learning mostly from being around grown-ups — which, except for the books, was the way kids had been raised for most of human history. With no one to tell me that some people were born to poverty or that women weren't leaders, but married or gave birth to them, I just assumed that hope could lead anyone anywhere.

Needless to say, school hit me like a ton of bricks. I wasn't prepared for gender obsession, race and class complexities or the new-to-me idea that war, male leadership and a God who mysteriously resembled the ruling class were inevitable. Soon I gave in and became an adolescent trying to fit in, pretending I didn't know what I knew, and keeping my hopes to myself — a stage that lasted through college. I owe the beginnings of rebirth to living in India for a couple of years and falling in with a group of Gandhians, then coming home to the Kennedys, the civil rights movement and protests against the war in Vietnam.

But most women, me included, stayed in our traditional places until we began to gather, listen to each other's stories and learn that the subordinate roles we played, even in otherwise admirable movements, weren't just or inevitable. Soon a national and international feminist movement was challeng ing the notion that what happened to men was political, but what happened to women was cultural; that the first could be changed, but the second could not. I had the feeling of coming home, of waking from an inauthentic life. I didn't think this refound self-authority was more important than external authority, but it wasn't less important either.

Since then, I've spent decades listening to kids before and after social roles hit. Faced with some inequality, the younger ones say "It's not fair!" — as if some primordial expectation of empathy and cooperation helps the species survive. By the time they are teenagers, social pressures have nourished or starved this hope. I suspect that a natural need for fairness, or any whisper of it that survives, is the root from which social justice movements grow.

So hope is contagious. With that in mind, I offer you a few of my hopes from early and late in life.

I hope we learn that whatever is done to children, they are likely to do to soc-iety. If we can raise even one generation without violence, we have no idea what might be possible on Spaceship Earth.

I hope that spirituality overwhelms religion. I say this because spirituality links, religion ranks; spirituality sees God in all living things, religion rations out God to some more than others; spirituality celebrates life, religion celebrates life after death.

I hope we choose self-authority over hierarchy. We will have to, because the purpose of the latter is to undermine the former.

I hope we learn that the end doesn't justify the means; on the contrary, the means create the ends.

I hope that racism is finally seen as a fiction invented to justify the taking over of land and power. This remains true whether its objects are Africans or Arabs, Jews or the Kwei/San people.

I hope the female half of the world takes back control of the means of reproduction: our own bodies. After all, women are in the original secondary spot because some men wanted to control reproduction, establish paternity and ownership of children and force the bearing of more workers, more soldiers. That's how we got into this mess. Reversing it is the only way to get out.

I hope that men break out of the masculine prison that: a) justifies males dominating females; b) separates men from the full circle of their human qualities; and c) cons the many men at the bottom into endangering their lives to protect the few men at the top.

All these hopes become much more practical when you consider that either/or thinking, patriarchy, hierarchy, nationalism and monotheism, and much more that we've wrongly been sold as inevitable, have been confined to less than 5% of human history. We won't be the first to strive toward such hopes.

Will this fragile Spaceship Earth survive long enough? Only if we act on our hopes every day.



Gloria Steinem is a writer and activist. Her books include Moving Beyond Words and Revolution from Within www.equalitynow.org


September 14, 2005 | 1:48 PM Comments  1 comments

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TIGing in France!

i spent three days in the east of france--in lorraine, where world war one started. a few weeks ago, i just happened to have been chatting to one of my best friends on TIG, Trevor Kellog , and it turns out he was arriving in the same area to live there for a year as a Rotary Exchange Student. Awesome! so we decided to meet up for breakfast. little did we know what was in store for us.

i was staying with a good friend of mine, Sabrina and her family was really nice to both Trevor and I. we ate like mad, dranks lots of amazing wine [ooops trev, i hope the rotary people don't read my blog!] went for a walk, got lost, drove through many cool, tiny french villages and laughed all afternoon.

trevor's french improved before my very eyes! it was amazing!

anyway, here's a picture of trevor and sabrina at sabrina's home. trev is giving sabrina an iPod lesson!

vive la france!

August 30, 2005 | 3:42 AM Comments  1 comments

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dumi and the burning bus

i almost died the other day. literally. i was in a bus to New York
from Boston that caught on fire, in the highway en route to New York.
the whole bus burned down to ashes within 30 min. everybody on the
buy got off ok--miraculously! apparently there was a fire started by
the overheating of the air conditioning system (ironic!?) and which
therefore spread. i do not know why we did not all die, but i am glad
we didn't. in thinking back, anything could have happened. the bus
could have exploded after the fuel tank was sparked by a flame. that
didn't happen. we could have all been trapped inside while the fire
blazed on outside. didn't happen either. so it's really great fortune
and blessing that we got out of it okay.

below are some stories from the Boston Globe that covered the story.
the first one, actually quotes me in it :-)

unbelievable!


http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2005/08/18/
passengers_say_bus_firm_unresponsive/

Passengers say bus firm unresponsive
Fire, delays left many in difficulty
By Lisa Fleisher and Mac Daniel, Globe Correspondent and Globe Staff
| August 18, 2005

Already traumatized after the Fung Wah bus carrying them had caught
fire en route to New York from Boston Tuesday, irate passengers said
yesterday the company ignored their pleas for medical help and
insurance claims once they arrived in New York.

When the bus finally arrived at Fung Wah offices on Canal Street in
Manhattan late Tuesday, passengers said, the lights in the tiny
office were turned off and women working the ticket counter told them
to come back the next day.

Angry passengers did not budge, however, and staged a mini-protest
that did not end until a New York police officer ran the license
plate of the bus and gave passengers the company's insurer.

''The insult may be far worse than the injury in this case," said
Mark Holliday, 37, of Belmont, who was on the bus with his brother
and sister-in-law.

The blaze, which occurred on Interstate 91 in Meriden, Conn., at
about 2 p.m., was the second time in five months that a bus going
from Chinatown to Chinatown had caught fire. In March, a bus operated
by Travel Pack, a company that also offers $15 rides between Boston
and New York, was destroyed by fire near the Allston-Brighton
tollbooths on the Massachusetts Turnpike. No one was hurt in either
fire.

''They're not very cooperative," said Dumisani Nyoni, 24, who went to
New York Tuesday to visit friends and took a Fung Wah bus back to
Boston yesterday. ''The New York people wouldn't do anything with us.
They said to contact the Boston office. When I got to Boston, they
weren't very cooperative at all."

Yesterday, Fung Wah officials said passengers should contact the
Boston office for information on how to file insurance claims.

''Obviously it was a terrible incident," Fung Wah lawyer Lawrence R.
Kulig said. ''Fung Wah will take efforts to determine to customers
what losses they may have suffered, and will act responsibly about
compensating them."

Mona Louis, a Fung Wah spokeswoman, said the company's owner, Pei Lin
Liang, had traveled to Connecticut to deal with the bus that had
caught fire, leaving only one ticket seller to handle the crowd of
passengers in New York. The worker was instructed to take passengers'
contact information so the company could reach them at a later date,
but ''the people wouldn't cooperate," Louis said.

In response to the blaze, Paul Alfonso, head of the Massachusetts
Department of Telecommunications and Energy, said Fung Wah and Lucky
Star, another low-fare bus operator out of South Station, would be
subject to surprise inspections three times a month. Currently, the
buses are inspected once a month.

Several passengers interviewed yesterday said the bus driver offered
no help immediately after the accident, apologizing for the fire but
doing little else.

After a local school bus took them to Wallingford, Conn., passengers
said they waited two hours for another Fung Wah bus to take them to
New York.

Once they arrived at Fung Wah's New York location, ''we went up and
knocked on the door, and there were clearly people in there, and they
just shook their heads no," Holliday said.

New York police officers, responding to a passenger's phone call,
demanded that Fung Wah officials provide insurance information to
passengers. At one point, bus officials provided a phone number for
an insurer that turned out to be disconnected.

Finally, the officers ran the bus's license plate and distributed the
insurer's name and telephone number to passengers.

Meriden fire officials said they have not yet completed their
investigation of the blaze.

Material from the Associated Press was used in this report.


August 25, 2005 | 8:38 PM Comments  1 comments

Tags:


dumi and the burning bus ...

i almost died the other day. literally. i was in a bus to New York from Boston that caught on fire, in the highway en route to New York. the whole bus burned down to ashes within 30 min. everybody on the buy got off ok--miraculously! apparently there was a fire started by the overheating of the air conditioning system (ironic!?) and which therefore spread. i do not know why we did not all die, but i am glad we didn't. in thinking back, anything could have happened. the bus could have exploded after the fuel tank was sparked by a flame. that didn't happen. we could have all been trapped inside while the fire blazed on outside. didn't happen either. so it's really great fortune and blessing that we got out of it okay.

below are some stories from the Boston Globe that covered the story. the first one, actually quotes me in it :-)

unbelievable!


http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2005/08/18/passengers_say_bus_firm_unresponsive/

Passengers say bus firm unresponsive
Fire, delays left many in difficulty
By Lisa Fleisher and Mac Daniel, Globe Correspondent and Globe Staff | August 18, 2005

Already traumatized after the Fung Wah bus carrying them had caught fire en route to New York from Boston Tuesday, irate passengers said yesterday the company ignored their pleas for medical help and insurance claims once they arrived in New York.

When the bus finally arrived at Fung Wah offices on Canal Street in Manhattan late Tuesday, passengers said, the lights in the tiny office were turned off and women working the ticket counter told them to come back the next day.

Angry passengers did not budge, however, and staged a mini-protest that did not end until a New York police officer ran the license plate of the bus and gave passengers the company's insurer.

''The insult may be far worse than the injury in this case," said Mark Holliday, 37, of Belmont, who was on the bus with his brother and sister-in-law.

The blaze, which occurred on Interstate 91 in Meriden, Conn., at about 2 p.m., was the second time in five months that a bus going from Chinatown to Chinatown had caught fire. In March, a bus operated by Travel Pack, a company that also offers $15 rides between Boston and New York, was destroyed by fire near the Allston-Brighton tollbooths on the Massachusetts Turnpike. No one was hurt in either fire.

''They're not very cooperative," said Dumisani Nyoni, 24, who went to New York Tuesday to visit friends and took a Fung Wah bus back to Boston yesterday. ''The New York people wouldn't do anything with us. They said to contact the Boston office. When I got to Boston, they weren't very cooperative at all."

Yesterday, Fung Wah officials said passengers should contact the Boston office for information on how to file insurance claims.

''Obviously it was a terrible incident," Fung Wah lawyer Lawrence R. Kulig said. ''Fung Wah will take efforts to determine to customers what losses they may have suffered, and will act responsibly about compensating them."

Mona Louis, a Fung Wah spokeswoman, said the company's owner, Pei Lin Liang, had traveled to Connecticut to deal with the bus that had caught fire, leaving only one ticket seller to handle the crowd of passengers in New York. The worker was instructed to take passengers' contact information so the company could reach them at a later date, but ''the people wouldn't cooperate," Louis said.

In response to the blaze, Paul Alfonso, head of the Massachusetts Department of Telecommunications and Energy, said Fung Wah and Lucky Star, another low-fare bus operator out of South Station, would be subject to surprise inspections three times a month. Currently, the buses are inspected once a month.

Several passengers interviewed yesterday said the bus driver offered no help immediately after the accident, apologizing for the fire but doing little else.

After a local school bus took them to Wallingford, Conn., passengers said they waited two hours for another Fung Wah bus to take them to New York.

Once they arrived at Fung Wah's New York location, ''we went up and knocked on the door, and there were clearly people in there, and they just shook their heads no," Holliday said.

New York police officers, responding to a passenger's phone call, demanded that Fung Wah officials provide insurance information to passengers. At one point, bus officials provided a phone number for an insurer that turned out to be disconnected.

Finally, the officers ran the bus's license plate and distributed the insurer's name and telephone number to passengers.

Meriden fire officials said they have not yet completed their investigation of the blaze.

Material from the Associated Press was used in this report.

http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2005/08/17/riders_flee_bus_fire_on_nyc_run/


Riders flee bus fire on NYC run
Vehicle was part of Fung Wah fleet
By Mac Daniel and Lisa Fleisher, Globe Staff and Globe Correspondent | August 17, 2005

A Fung Wah bus, part of the low-fare passenger line fleet from Boston to New York, erupted in flames on an interstate highway in Connecticut yesterday, sending frightened passengers scrambling off the bus just moments before it became a ''charred mess," police and passengers said.

The driver of the New York-bound bus carrying about 45 passengers noticed smoke streaming from the rear left wheel at about 2 p.m., then pulled over to inspect the vehicle, passengers said. The confused passengers fled the bus just before flames shot 50 feet in the air and engulfed it.

''A minute later, we could have all been dead," a passenger, Lisa Holliday, 25, said by by cellphone while standing on Interstate 91 in Meriden, Conn., near the bus's smoking remains.

''I'm looking at the back of the bus where we were sitting, and it's not even there anymore," Holliday said.

John Quackenbush, 38, a freelance film technician from Cambridge, took out a digital camera and documented the fire.

''It's torched," he said. ''Every seat is burned. All the little TVs are cracked and melted. It's amazing."

It was the second time in five months that a low-fare Chinatown bus has caught fire. On March 18, flames destroyed a New York-to-Boston bus owned by Travel Pack, a Fung Wah competitor, near the Allston-Brighton tolls on the Massachusetts Turnpike. No one was injured in either fire.

Although the Fung Wah company has a ''satisfactory" rating, the highest given, with the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, the agency cited the company in 2004 for failing to do random drug and alcohol tests of employees, as well as for allowing a driver to work more than 70 hours in eight days. The citations resulted in more than $17,000 in fines, agency records show.

The Boston-based company is also being sued by Attorney General Thomas F. Reilly for discriminating against disabled people after it refused to allow a service animal to board a bus.

The so-called Chinatown-to-Chinatown bus services have become a popular alternative to trains, planes, and other, more expensive bus companies, such as Peter Pan and Greyhound. One- way fares are $15, up from $5 and $10 just a few years ago, compared with about $35 for a one-way Greyhound fare to New York. Critics have questioned whether more oversight of the newer companies might be needed.

Fung Wah officials did not return repeated telephone calls to the company's Boston and New York offices and to their lawyers yesterday.

Passengers said the driver, who was not identified, pulled over about 45 seconds after noticing smoke and went outside to inspect the situation. He then came back onto the coach bus, which was carrying about 45 passengers and motioned for them to evacuate. Many, however, did not see him motioning, leaving it to passengers to spread the message among themselves, down to the back of the bus.

Several riders said they were upset that there had not been a more official or clearer announcement about the evacuation.

''I finally just started saying, 'Move, move, move! Go! Get the heck out of this bus!' " Holliday said. ''Things can be replaced, but people can't."

The state Department of Telecommunications and Energy, which inspects commercial bus fleets, said the bus involved in yesterday's fire had passed a state inspection on Oct. 22, 2004. Only minor defects were found on the vehicle, including a fire extinguisher that needed to be properly secured and a passenger door that needed adjustment, said the department's executive director, Timothy Shevlin.

After Shevlin was questioned yesterday by a reporter about the bus's air conditioning system, he said he had asked Fung Wah officials whether the fire may have started there. Company officials had told him that the system had been serviced the day before, he said, but that they were unsure what started the fire.

Meriden fire officials will conduct an investigation into the cause of the fire, and state and federal officials may also review it.

Last year, the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration formed a task force to look into ''Northeast inter-urban bus companies," including Fung Wah and Travel Pack, after they received reports of safety concerns, said James Lewis, a spokesman for the federal safety administration. Though there were some violations, Lewis said, company officials have generally been very cooperative in responding to them.

''This is a sector of the industry that has caught our attention, has maintained our attention," Lewis said.

The fire closed the southbound lanes of I-91, and traffic was backed up until 5 p.m., said Assistant Chief Mark Graber of the Meriden Fire Department. Passengers said they were shuttled to a garage in Wallingford, Conn., where they waited about three hours for another Fung Wah bus to complete the trip to New York.

The bus line caters mostly to the young or thrifty, who often don't care which company they travel with.

Yesterday, while waiting at South Station for the 5 p.m. bus to New York, passengers put down books or took a break from headphones and said they were surprised by news of the fire, but nobody headed for a refund.

''If I was rich, I'd go by the train, but $150, $130, for a student? You can't top this, $15 to New York," said Yan Perchuk, a 28-year-old student at the Berklee College of Music who has ridden at least 15 times. ''That could happen on any bus."

Quackenbush, who uses the bus to commute between work locations, said this will not deter him from taking the bus again. In fact, it will have just the opposite effect, he said.

''What are the odds of this happening again?" he said. ''Now I'm safe."

Globe correspondent Adam Jadhav contributed to this report.Mac Daniel can be reached at mdaniel@globe.com; Lisa Fleisher at lfleisher@globe.com.


SEE ALSO -- http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2005/08/17/low_fare_buses_to_face_additional_inspections/


Low-fare buses to face additional inspections
By Juliette Wallack, Associated Press Writer | August 17, 2005

BOSTON --Low-fare bus operators that run between Boston and New York will be subject to additional surprise inspections after the second fire on one of the buses in five months, a state regulator said Wednesday.

A Fung Wah Bus Transportation bus caught fire Tuesday in Meriden, Conn. All 45 passengers were evacuated moments before flames engulfed the bus. In March, a bus run by low-fare operator Travel Pack caught fire on the Massachusetts Turnpike. No one was injured in either fire.

The low-fare Chinatown-to-Chinatown buses, which offer one-way tickets for $15, have become a popular alternative to trains and more expensive bus lines. They run between New York's Chinatown and Boston's South Station.

"Now we have a second incident," said Paul Afonso, chairman of the Department of Telecommunications and Energy, which regulates the commercial buses. "I'm not going to wait for a third incident."

Travel Pack no longer operates a Boston-New York route, a company employee said.

Fung Wah and Lucky Star, the operators with buses currently departing from South Station, will be subject to surprise inspections three times a month, Afonso said. Previously, officials inspected the companies once a month.

State police officers also will be watching the buses more carefully for such things as speeding violations, he said.

Afonso said state investigators also will review safety guidelines with Fung Wah's drivers and owners after Tuesday's incident.

Fung Wah is prepared for more inspections, said company representative Mona Louis. She said an inspection after the Travel Pack fire didn't show any problems with Fung Wah's buses.

"We are OK," she said.

Lucky Star vice president Jason Chung said his employees check the buses every day, so he's not worried about additional inspections, either.

"We pass every month," Chung said. "I'm concerned about safety for our passengers and my own vehicles."

Fung Wah currently has a "satisfactory" rating from the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, the highest rating given. But in 2004, it was fined more than $17,000 for failing to randomly test drivers for drugs and alcohol and for allowing a driver to drive after 70 hours of duty in eight days.

Lucky Star, which began operating in May, is not rated.

Travel Pack has a "conditional" rating and had to pay more than $9,000 in fines for violations this year.

"They had enough violations that we felt we had to downgrade their safety rating," said James Lewis, a spokesman for the FMCSA, citing the number of Travel Pack drivers pulled out of service for violating safety protocols and the number of speeding tickets issued.

"What you can say is that the data reflects a relatively safe fleet of vehicles, that the bulk of their violations have been relating to drivers, not to vehicles," Lewis said of the low-fare bus lines.

Officials said the companies have cooperated in recent months to make sure their buses and drivers conform to regulations. Before 2003, the relatively new low-fare operators weren't getting regular inspections, largely because they didn't realize they needed to be licensed to carry passengers, Lewis said.

The renewed safety concerns didn't deter passengers. On Wednesday, tickets for the 2 p.m. Fung Wah Boston-to-New York route were selling briskly, and a line of people waited to climb on the bus.

Nichole Porter, 34, had ridden the bus for the first time on Tuesday from Brooklyn, N.Y., to Boston to visit a friend. On Wednesday, she was waiting for her return trip.

"It was OK," Porter said, particularly for the $30 round-trip price. "Things happen. You can have a fire on the Greyhound, also."




 

August 20, 2005 | 10:50 AM Comments  1 comments

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South African Strikes -- What's Going On!?

Understanding the Strikes in South Africa in the Larger Content of South Africa's Economic (social and political) development
Sounds like the title of a masters' thesis paper oh something... nope! just my 5 cents on recent events in South Africa.

There have been an increasing number of strikes in South Africa in the past few months, with workers calling for higher wages and better conditions. A major super market chain [have a look at Pick 'n Pay ] was hit by a strike; the National Airline South African Airways also suffered a strike that cost them millions of dollars, and now, the one of the Country's largest income earners, the mining industry has also gone on strike. Below is an article going into more details about the strike. i'll say a little bit more about what i think are the implications of this unhappiness ...

but first of all, Happy Birthday to Lydia El Afi, and M.S. Swaminathan! it's your birthdays today!

I remember in the 90s when i was at high school in Zimbabwe, after structural adjustment was introduced by the Bretton-Woods institutions and embraced by our government, our economy was reportedly doing well and things were good and GDP was soaring, the manufacturing industry was performing extremely well, and things were dandy... except for the working class people who were getting laid off, and fired in new restructuring efforts and through the privatization state enterprises that were meant to bring about greater efficiency and that magical term... economic growth. people were not happy about the new approach because it meant unemployment was increasing, and for those who were employed, their salaries were extremely low yet their enterprises and corporations were making record profits, executives making a lot of money and the workers getting screwed. the economy wasn't working for the working classes and strikes were very common. in zimbabwe, they would call they "stay aways" because people would just 'stay away' from work. there was more to it than that. those who were unemployed started question the gains of independence and liberation and wanted (i) compensation for fighting in the war and (ii) tangible benefits such as land which has led to the whole issue of redistribution of commercial farms whose political, economic and social effects have been very large, regardless of what perspective you take.

south africa also has to answer to some pretty tough questions about the economic avenue it is going to take. it is not easy to manage an economy, and to satisfy the many pulls and interests at stake. but if the workers continue to be disgruntled and unhappy, and the income disparity continues to grow, the governing party will have some trouble on their hands... and it is very difficult to stem the tide of a populace that is very unhappy economically. you cannot maintain conservative economic policies for too long and still win elections. and you cannot employ people based [sometimes called populist] policies and still keep business, investors and the stock exchange happy. zimbabwe didn't do the best job of balancing these somewhat competing interests and this has led to complications that are extremely hard to deal with and are beyond just economics.

for an economy of south africa's size, the richest economy in africa and with an incredible potential and such a large population [relatively], this is extremely important. the Black Economic Empowerment policy that is trying to address the injustices of apartheid is a noble effort, part of a bigger puzzle, but it is not achieving the results that people want to see with comments saying that it is benefiting only a few -- an elite business class. [also see this report from the BBC Online , though i must say it IS the BBC! :)] the same was said of affirmative action in zimbabwe and the failure to make such economic empowerment broad based is critical to the overall economic development of any country, especially developing african nations.

it is a real complex challenge to understand how to deal with the economic development of millions of people that are historically oppressed by racist and prejudiced systems. deeper change is required beyond the usual economic policy shifts. there are cultural implications, there are social and political implications and it is not just limited to a country by country basis. a global shift is required... in the economic relations that countries (rich and poor) have with one another. we can't just expect rich countries to maintain a status quo where the resources of poorer economies feed and fuel their growth and developing countries are expected to make 'adjustments.' that is not good enough.

i hope south africa can sort out it's economic imbalances and maintain some levels of sanity and order. but the changes/reforms must be meaningful and not just salary increases. i have a lot of interest in south africa succeeding [and yes, at some level it's personal ;) ha ha!] because it also means a lot for africa overall.



Article taken from Reuters


South African gold miners say start country-wide strike
Sun Aug 7, 2005 7:24 PM BST



By James Macharia

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - South African gold miners launched their first industry-wide strike in 18 years on Sunday to demand higher wages in the world's biggest bullion producer, the country's main mining union said.

"I can say now that the strike is on," Gwede Mantashe, general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers, told Reuters. The union had said the strike would start across the country at 6 p.m. local time (5 p.m. British time).

"All the workers who were due to go on the 6 p.m. shift are out, all the four companies (involved in failed wage talks) have been affected."

Around 100,000 gold miners represented by the NUM would remain on strike until a solution was found, he said.

Despite improved offers from two companies, last-minute talks failed to yield a deal, according to an official from the Chamber of Mines, which negotiates on behalf of gold producers.

Mantashe had earlier said even if any better wage offers were forthcoming, it would be too late to call off the strike.

South Africa's gold industry accounts for around 15 percent of global output, and the mining sector contributes about 8 percent to the nation's gross domestic product.

A strike would lead to the loss of around 28,000 ounces of gold production and 79 million rand (6.9 million pounds) in lost revenue per day, a Deutsche Securities analyst has estimated.

The failed wage talks are symptomatic of wider discontent in a country plagued by huge income gaps between the rich and mostly black poor more than a decade after the end of apartheid.

Recent weeks have seen a wave of work stoppages by city workers and supermarket clerks and a six-day stoppage by employees of the national airline.

Two unions called the strike after rejecting the latest offer by the Chamber of Mines, of a 4.5 to 5 percent wage rise plus bonus payments.

STRIKE MAY SPREAD

The Solidarity union with about 10,000 members will join the strike just before midnight on Monday, and a third 15,000-strong union will decide on Monday whether to also take part.

Unions are demanding a rise of between 10 and 12 percent.

Wages make up around half of total costs in the labour intensive sector, the biggest in terms of mining employment.

The strike would paralyse the South African mines of the world's No. 2 gold producer AngloGold Ashanti, fourth-ranked Gold Fields, sixth-placed Harmony Gold and South Deep, a joint venture of South Africa's Western Areas and Canada's Placer Dome.

In 11th-hour talks, AngloGold and South Deep offered wage hikes of between 5.25 and 6.5 percent, the NUM said. The union would seek out the views of its members on the new offer and respond on Monday afternoon.

Frans Barker, head negotiator for the Chamber of Mines, told Reuters: "There was some informal contact between AngloGold and South Deep and the NUM, but there was no agreement."

"If the strike goes on for too long, the country will start feeling the impact, especially on its export account."

Miners, who descend more than 3 km (nearly 2 miles) underground to drill ore in sweltering narrow tunnels, typically earn 2,500-3,000 rand per month.

Mantashe said the NUM could consider a wage increase of between 7 to 8 percent, but such an offer would have to include a 1 percent increase in the miners' risk cover under their provident fund, and higher allowances for those living outside the gold companies' hostels.

Mining firms, which gave workers a 10 percent wage rise two years ago, say they cannot afford rises much above inflation, which is running below 4 percent.


August 7, 2005 | 5:22 PM Comments  0 comments

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housing demolitions in malawi...

The Government of Malawi is going to demolish informal ["illegal"]
housing in the cities, like the government of zimbabwe did. it will
be interesting to see what the global reaction to this will be if
they go about it.

the bbc article posted below is a pretty decent report and is much
tamer about the same issue than it was when reporting what happened
in zimbabwe. there's no mention of human rights in this article at
all, or the plight of the poor...? differences...?

i think african governments need to address housing issues, as a
priority and not resort to being reactive when crises get out of
hand. like other development challenges, they are complex and require
complex solutions. it doesn't help that the rest of the world uses
these incidents to promote a specific political idea or agenda!

d.





http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4748279.stm
Deadline for Malawi demolitions
By Raphael Tenthani
BBC, Lilongwe



Hundreds of Malawians have been given two weeks to leave their houses
in the capital before they are demolished.
Housing official Felix Tukula told the BBC the government wanted to
evict those living illegally in Lilongwe on land meant for industrial
developments.
Mr Tukula said the authorities would use force to remove residents if
they refused to leave voluntarily.
The ultimatum follows a similar operation in neighbouring Zimbabwe,
which has left some 700,000 homeless.
The Zimbabwe demolitions have been widely condemned in the West, but
most African countries have refused to criticise President Robert
Mugabe's government.


Town-planning

Some residents of the affected areas, called locally Baghdad and
Dubai, insist that they will not move as they have nowhere else to go.

"Our problem here is lack of land," one woman told government officials.

"Imagine you have a family and dependants but you have nowhere to
stay. So if idle land has been found somewhere we have to share it,"
she said.
Mr Tukula, however, insisted that the structures must be demolished
and said that because they were illegal, those affected would not be
compensated.
Wananga Mbeleka, regional manager for the state-owned Malawi Housing
Corporation, said illegal settlements were a big problem and were
greatly affecting town planning and the provision of services such as
water and electricity.
"This problem of land encroachment has basically affected our land
bank where we have future development plans for housing and [other]
non-housing real [estate] properties like community services,
churches, police units and health centres," he said.
Local MP Boniface Kadzamira, from the main opposition Malawi Congress
Party, said the former government was partly to blame because it had
stopped enforcing land laws.
"It's a big problem," he said. "It started in 1997 and the previous
regime neglected this issue.
"People have got used to this; they think getting a plot without
proper procedures is a normal thing."


Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/4748279.stm

Published: 2005/08/05 10:12:40 GMT

August 5, 2005 | 8:16 PM Comments  0 comments

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Aids blamed for Niger's Famine...

Interesting article from an AP writer...

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20050730/ap_on_re_af/why_africa_goes_hungry

Economist Blames Aid for Africa Famine

By TODD PITMAN, Associated Press Writer

1 hour, 32 minutes ago


In Niger, a desert country twice the size of Texas, most of the 11
million people live on a dollar a day. Forty percent of children are
underfed, and one out of four dies before turning 5. And that's when
things are normal.

Throw in a plague of locusts, and a familiar spectacle emerges:
skeletal babies, distended bellies, people too famished to brush the
flies from their faces.

To the aid workers charged with saving the dying, the immediate
challenge is to raise relief money and get supplies to the stricken
areas. They leave it to the economists and politicians to come up
with a lasting remedy.

One such economist is James Shikwati. He blames foreign aid.

"When aid money keeps coming, all our policy-makers do is strategize
on how to get more," said the Kenya-based director of the Inter
Region Economic Network, an African think tank.

"They forget about getting their own people working to solve these
very basic problems. In Africa, we look to outsiders to solve our
problems, making the victim not take responsibility to change."

Moving the aid can be nightmare in itself. Africa's good roads are
few, and often pass through the front lines of civil wars. But
Shikwati notes an additional problem: Even African countries that
have food to spare can't easily share it because tariffs on
agricultural products within sub-Saharan Africa average as high as 33
percent, compared with 12 percent on similar products imported from
Europe.

"It doesn't make sense when they can't even allow their neighbors to
feed them. They have to wait for others in Europe or Asia to help,"
he said. "We don't have any excuses in Africa. We can't blame nature.
We have to tell our leadership to open up and get people producing
food."

Nature, of course, does bear some of the blame. Recurring drought is
a part of life in Africa. Farmers have learned to cope, but exploding
population growth sucks up water, pasture and livestock.

Many food crises result from bad government and civil wars. For 30
years after winning independence from France, Niger was ruled by coup
and military dictatorship. Now it's a peaceful multiparty democracy,
but its desert is getting bigger and drought is unrelenting

All it took was the locust swarms of a year ago, the worst in 15
years, to start tipping Niger over the edge. The crop-devouring
insects ravaged some 7,000 square miles of Niger farmland. The
combined drought-locust onslaught cut cereal production by 15 percent
last year, according to the United Nations.

At first, few noticed. Places like Niger "were never on anybody's
radar screen. They're not considered important, geopolitically or
resource-wise," said Cathy Skoula, executive director of U.S.-based
Action Against Hunger. "It comes down to a question of priorities.
But any human life is important."

Aid groups say Niger's catastrophe could have been averted — that
early warning systems were in place, and the United Nations and other
humanitarian agencies warned of imminent food shortages late last year.

In November, Niger's government issued an emergency appeal for 78,000
tons of food. Donors, busy with higher-profile crises, barely responded.

The following month came the Indian Ocean tsunami that entirely
eclipsed Africa's misery on the world's TV screens.

Aid workers say heading off famine needs long-term, steady funding.

"Prevention doesn't sell that much," said Stefanie Savariaud,
spokeswoman for the U.N. World Food Program in Niger's capital,
Niamey. "The world has to wait for images of dying children to react.
The question is, how to mobilize the international community when
it's still preventable?"

Ironically, only three weeks ago the world's attention was fixed on
Africa again, when the G-8 summit pledged to double African aid to
$50 billion and granted 18 of its countries debt forgiveness,
including Niger. At the same time, rock concerts televised worldwide
made sure Africa's troubles stayed high on the global agenda.

A week later, TV pictures of hungry people began beaming out of
Niger, and donors reached for their wallets. But the World Food
Program has only raised $9 million of the $16 million it appealed
for, Savariaud said.

At a feeding center in Mada Roufa, in eastern Niger, Mai Sali, a
local employee of the international relief organization Doctors
Without Borders, praised those efforts, but agreed crisis aid was not
the answer.

"We need to find other long-term solutions. We can't just address
emergencies," he said.

___

EDITOR'S NOTE: Todd Pitman has covered West Africa for The Associated
Press since 1997. He is based in Dakar, Senegal.

July 30, 2005 | 4:56 PM Comments  0 comments

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